by শহীদুল ইসলাম | Mar 29, 2025 | প্রকৃতি কথা
Introduction
Although tobacco is a cash crop, it has little importance in terms of essentiality in the context of Bangladesh, which has been facing severe food deficit for combating hunger and malnutrition of the nation. Moreover, tobacco farming has various negative impacts on health, especially women’s & children’s health, the environment, soil, biodiversity, etc. The increase in acreage of tobacco farming will essentially make the issue of food security more difficult to face. In Bangladesh, over 10.5 million people who are currently malnourished could have an adequate diet if money spent on tobacco were spent on food instead, saving the lives of 350 children under age five each day.1 The World Health Organization says that tobacco is responsible for creating a vicious circle of poverty in the world. This is especially true in developing countries. In addition to the economic burden (both on individuals and nations) of treating smoking-related illnesses and the consequent lost productivity, tobacco farmers often become trapped in a cycle of poverty and debt after being forced to sign crippling contracts with the tobacco industry.2 On the other hand, the present trend of contract farming is a great threat both for the farmer as well as the country because it will lead to limiting farmers’ freedom of choice for crop production and hampering the crop diversity as well as biodiversity.
Therefore, the fact sheet is prepared to look into the situation of the tobacco farming at present in Jhenaidah district as well as collect the opinion of the relevant people. The fact sheet is prepared based on the FGDs conducted with tobacco growers in five villages under Jhenaidah district, in-depth interview with ten tobacco growers, five non-tobacco growers, one small traders, one whole sale traders, Upazila agriculture officer and field officer of tobacco company. Some secondary data was also reviewed to prepare the fact sheet.
Tobacco farming is increasing alarmingly
The data on several tobacco growers and their land area under tobacco cultivation in sadar upazila of Jhenaidah district during last three years (2008-2010) is presented in Fig-1 beside.
From the graph, it is observed that both the number of farmers and the land area under tobacco cultivation increased alarmingly during the last three years. The situation in the other tobacco-growing areas is quite similar. If this trend remains unchanged, it would be a serious concern for the food security of the country. It is to note that the main reasons behind such an increase are the increase of the price of tobacco in one hand and the decrease of the price of boro rice on the other. In 2009, the price of boro rice was gone down very low while the price of tobacco was very high. The tobacco grower earned a very good profit, which encouraged the other farmers to grow tobacco. In the FGDs, it was found that the farmers have plans to increase their acreage of tobacco in coming years because they have no other suitable options in hand.
Why do farmers cultivate tobacco?
In the FGDs it was asked to the farmers, why they cultivate tobacco. In reply, it was found that the main motivation for the farmers to cultivate tobacco is the marketing facilities. Apart from the profitability aspect, guaranteed market and ready cash play an important role in the farmers’ decision to grow tobacco. Although the tobacco growers, especially the non-card holders, often suffer from various problems like price instability, fraud by the middlemen & company officials in case of price and quality, illogical rejection of tobacco showing reason of low quality, etc., but compared to other crops, tobacco farmers enjoy more satisfaction in tobacco marketing. For the other crops like rice, jute, potato, cotton, sugarcane, vegetables, etc. the farmers suffer a lot in marketing. Often, they are compelled to sell their products at a price lower than their cost of production. But, in the case of tobacco, they are satisfied that tobacco cultivation is more profitable than any other crops that they presently grow, though their calculation of profit is not accurate at all. The other reasons for cultivating tobacco are-
- It is a cash crop which gives the farmer a handsome amount of cash at a time.
- The company provides inputs (in credit) and field-level technical support, which are not available for other crops.
- The farmers often suffer a lot to collect fertilizers for other crops during crisis period but for tobacco, the company supply fertilizers and pesticides to their doors.
- The company provides quality seed free of cost.
- The problems for other crops are increasing, which are also increasing for tobacco, but they get technical support from the company to solve the problems.
- The company provides some other incentives like tree saplings.
Patronisation by different tobacco companies has been an important propelling factor for the spread of tobacco. These companies have their own registered contract growers who are mostly medium and large farmers. These farmers are, then, provided with inputs such as free seeds and technical assistance as well as fertilizers & pesticides in credit. Depending on the consumers’ preferences and market demand, the farmers are informed of the exact grade and quantity of the leaf desired by the companies, which would be procured from them at a satisfactory price. In fact, the demonstration effect has an important role to play here. The non-contract grower is ‘coerced’ to take to tobacco farming by watching his neighbour (who happens to be a contract grower) suddenly earn more money.
There is also an indirect patronisation by the companies. Apart from their contract growers, these companies also have traders who supply them with tobacco leaves. These traders buy out their required tobacco from the non-card-holder farmers and also from the card-holders who are rejected by the company and sell again to the companies.
Why don’t all farmers cultivate tobacco?
Although tobacco farming is in increasing trend but it was found in the villages that the total number of tobacco growers in a village is less than 30%. So, it was also asked in the FGDs that why all farmers don’t cultivate tobacco. In response it was found that most of the farmers of the village are very poor. Tobacco farming is not suitable for the poor farmers because it needs huge amount of investment which is not affordable for them. Moreover, the company don’t make contract with the small & marginal farmers because their minimum ceiling for issuing a contract card is 2 acres of land. The other problems are-
- Tobacco cultivation is very much laborious. It is so laborious that the whole family doesn’t have time even to eat & take bath during the harvesting & processing period of tobacco leaf. So, the family that don’t have enough manpower especially women and children can’t cultivate tobacco.
- The other crops have lower profit but those are essential for food & family needs.
- Tobacco cultivation has very high risk. The risks include crop damage due to natural disasters like storm, hail storm, disease, insects etc. as well as risk of firing in curing house.
- Most of the farmers are concerned that tobacco cultivation is harmful for soil fertility & productivity, health and environment.
Tobacco cultivation is very much labour intensive
Tobacco cultivation is so laborious that the whole family doesn’t get time even to eat & take a bath during the harvesting & processing period of tobacco leaf. The farmers minimize the labour cost by using their household labour. It has been estimated that per acre of tobacco cultivation requires about 150 labours, which is equivalent to 1200 hours’ work. It is also estimated that more than 50% of the total economic cost of labour is attributable to household labour. Among the family labour, most are women and child labour. In poor families who depend on tobacco, children work on tobacco farms from a very early age. The labour inputted by the family members is, in fact, uncountable and inhumane. The farmers said that their appearance is so changed during the tobacco harvesting due to hard labour that one can easily identify a tobacco-growing family looking at the appearance of any of the family members. However, when the value of the family labour is taken into account, tobacco loses much of its profitability.
Tobacco cultivation is highly capital intensive
The comparative cost of production of tobacco with some other crops grown during the same season is presented in the figure-2 beside. It is estimated that including land lease value and family labour one acre of tobacco cultivation require as high as Tk.82609 while it is required Tk.36956, Tk.13695, Tk.8260, Tk.48043, Tk.8260, Tk.12608 and Tk.16956 for boro rice, lentil, khesari, onion, pea, mustard and sesame respectively. In terms of material inputs as well, tobacco involves higher costs than most other crops. It was estimated that the bulk of this cost arises on account of fertilizers and curing fuel. These two items also account for more than 50% of the total cost of production. Given the input-intensive nature of tobacco, substantial capital is required during its production. Although the company provides fertilizers and pesticides in credit but often the farmers have to access loans or credit from external sources for meeting up the other costs. Needless to mention, most of these farmers belong to the marginal and small farm size categories. Since the majority of these loans is tied to tobacco, it works to enhance the poor farmers’ circle of dependency. Moreover, with high transaction costs, farmers are forced to seek loans from the exorbitant village moneylender rather than approach formal financial institutions which disburse loans on easier terms.
The problems of disease & insect are increasing:
The disease infestation and insect occurrence in tobacco is in increasing trend may be due to changing climate. Tobacco mosaic virus is the major disease while aphid is the major insect that causes huge loss of tobacco. Sometimes, the damage is so severe that the farmer doesn’t get any harvest. The farmers said that if tobacco is grown more than two times in a piece of land the attack of disease and insect increase very much. So, the farmers have to change the tobacco land after every two years.
Tobacco needs excessive chemical fertilizer & pesticides:
Tobacco cultivation requires 10 times fertilizers except Potash fertilizer than other crops. Some farmers put even table salt at the rate of 40-45 kg/acre. Some farmers also use soda, sugar, boric powder etc. These materials are generally used in the leased land. The farmers don’t want to use these materials in their own land because they know that these are harmful for soil health. They also use different kind of pesticides to control disease and insects.
Is tobacco much profitable?
The profit margin of tobacco cultivation is not as high for tobacco cultivation as it seems to be to the farmers. The profit of tobacco compared to some other crops grown during the same season is presented in the Fig-3 beside. It was estimated that the profit margin for tobacco was Tk.15217/acre while the profit margin for Boro rice, Lentil, Onion, Pea, Mustard, Chilli, Cabbage and Banana were Tk.9782, Tk.28043, Tk.49783, Tk.17826, Tk.15652, Tk.32609, Tk.32609 and Tk.86957 per acre respectively. The profit seems to be very high to the farmers because they never calculate their land value and family labour cost. When the own labour and land lease value is not included to the cost of production then the profit margin per acre reach about Tk.45000. Most importantly, when farmer get an amount of about Tk.100000 for per acre of tobacco at a time then they become very much satisfied because they never see such a big amount for other crops. It is fact that for many farmers, the earnings from tobacco are barely enough to cover their cost of production. But, still the farmers continue to grow tobacco because there is often little support for the other crops in one hand and their profit is grasped by the middlemen on the other.
Problems in tobacco grading & pricing:
The farmers don’t have any control over the pricing of tobacco. The companies fix the price during the harvesting period. The farmers are often cheated by the company in case of pricing and tobacco quality determination. The farmers go to the company’s purchase centre with their tobacco. The company officials check the quality and fix the price. The card-holder farmers have no choice to sell their tobacco outside of the affiliated company even though they could get a higher price.
The farmers are usually obligated to sell all of their leaf to the company at a set price which sometimes ends up being less than their investment. The companies grade tobacco according to a number of variables, including the position of the leaf on the stalk, leaf colour and size. Tobacco growers have no influence on how their crop is graded. Since there are usually no more than a handful of purchasers, farmers are forced to accept whatever prices are offered to them.
The tobacco prices frequently fluctuate. There was stability of price before, but during last two or three years the price is very much unstable. In 2008, the price was Tk. 80-85 per kg. which was increased to Tk. 125-135 in 2009. But, in 2010, it again went down to Tk. 110-120. The card-holding farmers get better prices but the non-card-holder farmers suffer very much with their tobacco leaf. They even have to sell their leaf at half price, then the actual market price to the middlemen.
Tobacco marketing:
Mainly three marketing channels for tobacco were found.
- Farmer → Company
- Farmer → Whole sale traders → Company, and
- Farmer → Small Farmer → Whole sale trader → Company
The small traders purchase tobacco from the farmers, while the wholesale traders purchase from both farmers and small traders. In most of the cases the companies purchase tobacco from the respective contract growers. Although tobacco has a secured marketing but often the farmers face various problems in marketing their tobacco leaf. Although the card-holder tobacco growers have one kind of assurance to sell their products to the company but their tobacco is often rejected by the company due mainly to quality questions. The card-holder farmers have no choice to sell their tobacco outside of the affiliated company even though they could get a higher price. If any farmer sells their products to the other company or traders, then the company cancels the contract as punishment. When the supply of tobacco in the market is higher, then the company wants to buy only the best quality tobacco, rejecting the lower grades which cause tremendous suffering for the farmers and also increases the preservation & transportation cost. The non-card-holder farmers suffer a lot in marketing their tobacco leaves. They have to sell their tobacco to the middlemen at very lower price than that get from the card-holder farmers from the company.
In the Jhenaidah district, British American Tobacco Company (BATC), Dhaka Tobacco Company (DTC) and Abul Khair Tobacco Company (AKTC) have their own contract growers. Among the companies, BATC has a better reputation in giving better marketing facilities and price to their contract growers. The other companies often deal unfairly with the farmers. The following case will illustrate the situation better.
Mr. Habibur Rahman, a farmer of Bijoypur village under Jhenaidah district, had a card of BATC for eight years. However, last year, the company cancelled the card because he sold a little part of his tobacco at a higher price to the buyer of DTC. Then he got a card from DTC. This year, Mr. Habibur Rahman suffered a lot to sell his tobacco because DTC officials played a lot of fraud in tobacco purchases. He sold his best-quality tobacco at the rate of only Tk.65 to DTC where he had nothing to do. In fact, the company compelled the farmers to sell their tobacco to their brokers, to whom the staff had hidden contracts. The brokers purchased the tobacco from the farmers at the rate of Tk. 80-90, while they sell to the company at the rate of Tk. 120-130 or more. Then, the profit is shared among the brokers and the company officials. Generally, the local musclemen are also involved with this kind of brokery. So, the farmers can’t say anything against such types of irregularities and corruption.
Impacts of Tobacco Farming
1. Impact on Food Security
Tobacco farming has twofold negative impacts on food security. Firstly, in the case of the poorest, where food shortage is an ongoing problem, and where a significant share of income is going to purchase food, tobacco expenditures may make the difference between an adequate diet and malnutrition. The studies have found that the typical poor smoker could add over 500 calories to the diet of one or two children with his or her daily tobacco expenditure. Applied to the whole country, an estimated 10.5 million people who are currently malnourished could have an adequate diet if money spent on tobacco were spent on food instead.3 In both urban and rural areas of Bangladesh, per capita spending on tobacco is higher than on milk. What the average Bangladeshi male smoker spends on cigarettes each day would be enough to purchase almost 3,000 calories of rice. Researchers estimate that in Bangladesh 10.5 million people are going hungry and 350 children are dying each day due to diversion of money from food to tobacco.4
Secondly, the farmers are shifting to tobacco from the food crops like rice, pulses, oilseeds, vegetables and spices which are essentials for food security. In Bangladesh the population is increasing at an annual growth rate of 1.39% and the cultivable land is decreasing at the rate of 1% per year. Moreover, it is a net food importing country. Therefore, expansion of tobacco farming in the country is a great threat for the food security of the ever-growing population.
2. Impact on human health
Studies in Bangladesh have shown that tobacco consumption has a direct impact on the health of poor households, with poorer people spending less on food, resulting in malnutrition. Apart from the health hazards caused by smoking, tobacco cultivation has both direct and indirect impacts on the health of tobacco growers and their family members. Continuous inhalation of the tobacco aroma emanating from the fields often causes nausea, vomiting and weakness to headaches and dizziness and may also include abdominal cramps and difficulty breathing, as well as fluctuations in blood pressure and heart rates. Dermal absorption of nicotine while harvesting the chemical-drenched green leaves leads to an illness called ‘green tobacco sickness’.5 Curing of tobacco leaves and excessive use of chemical fertilizers contribute to environmental degradation. Interestingly, the majority of the farmers seemed aware of the health hazards caused by tobacco during cultivation, preservation, curing and transportation.
Large and frequent applications of pesticides are required to protect the plant from insects and disease. Common pesticides, include: aldicarb, a highly toxic insecticide that is suspected of causing genetic damage in humans;6 chlorpyrifos, which, like all organisphosphate insecticides, negatively affects the nervous system and is a common cause of pesticide poisonings, with symptoms encompassing nausea, muscle twitching, and convulsions; and 1,3-Dichloropropene, a highly toxic soil fumigant that causes respiratory problems in humans, as well as skin and eye irritation and kidney damage.7 The heavy and repeated use of these and other pesticides takes an enormous toll on the health of tobacco farmer, most of whom do not receive proper training on how to handle these chemicals.
“From the day the nursery is laid to the day the pay cheque is collected, the farmer inhales an assortment of chemicals. To make matters worse, the farmer has no protective gloves, gas masks, gum boots or dust-coats during his sad sentence as a tobacco farmer. Thus, at the end of the farming season, the farmer spends all he earned from the crop, sometimes more, to seek medication. The farmers said in the FGDs that the medicine cost reached as high as Tk.5000 during harvesting & processing season for a tobacco-growing family.
3. Impact on environment
Serious environmental costs are associated with tobacco production, especially deforestation, erosion and desertification. Tobacco-growing contributes to poverty by harming the environment on which people depend for sustenance. In Bangladesh, wood is used as fuel to cure tobacco leaves and to construct curing barns.
The forest area is also declining in the areas in which tobacco is grown. Research suggests that tobacco growing is a significant cause of deforestation in Bangladesh, accounting for over 30% of annual deforestation in Bangladesh-putting the country third internationally in terms of the severity of the problem. Not only is tobacco farming not a great source of income to farmers, but research indicates that it is also disastrous for the environment.5
Tobacco nurseries are situated near water masses, most times at the source. Thus, as the farmer waters his chemical-drenched seedbed, the water flows back to the river, carrying with it remnants of such chemicals. It does not take much intelligence to figure out that the same water will be used downstream by communities and their animals. The result is a proliferation of all sorts of ailments assaulting man and beast in the area. Environmental degradation is also caused by the tobacco plant, which leaches nutrients from the soil as well as pollution from pesticides and fertilizers applied to tobacco fields. Tobacco manufacturing also produces an immense amount of waste.
4. Impact on Soil Health
Tobacco farming has a negative impact on soil health. The farmers stated that tobacco can’t be grown in a land continuously for more than two years which indicates the depletion of soil fertility status. Moreover, tobacco farming needs about ten times the chemical fertilizers compared to the other crops, which is harmful for soil and environment. The farmers also said organic fertilizers can’t be used in tobacco fields because it causes harm to tobacco leaves, which is also a limitation to maintaining soil fertility. In the FGDs, the farmers said that many farmers use even table salt, sugar, soda and boric powder to get better yield, which has negative impacts on soil health. The farmers face various problems in growing other crops in the tobacco land. For example, if they grow rice in the tobacco land, then the vegetative growth becomes excessive which reduces the yield. Growing jute or sesame in tobacco land suffers from stem rot disease. According to the farmers’ experience, it takes at least two or three years to recover the fertility of tobacco land.
5. Impact on family life and education of children
It is already mentioned that tobacco farming is very much labourious. All the family members of a tobacco grower have to be involved in tobacco farming, especially during harvesting, processing and curing which affect family life and the education of the children. During the tobacco harvesting and processing period, normal family life is hampered, and the family members become exhausted due to inhumane labour. Mr. Habibur Rahman, a tobacco grower of Bijoypur village under Sadar Upazila of Jhenaidah district, has been cultivating tobacco for the last 10 years. Ms. Sheuli Parvin, the wife of Mr. Habibur Rahman, along with their children Tutul Hossain (11 years), Iti Khatun (14 years) and Ripon Mahbub (16 years) have to work hard during the harvesting and processing period of tobacco leaf. Ripon the elder son of Mr. Habibur, could not pass the SSC exam last year due mainly to his engagement with tobacco farming. The youngest son Limon is also irregular to school. Only the daughter Iti is reading in class eight in local secondary school. She is also uncertain about continuing her studies. However, all of them have to support their parents during harvesting and processing of tobacco. Iti said with a bothered mind that she doesn’t like when tobacco is brought to home. They feel various health hazards like headache, gastric, vomiting tendency etc. and loss their appetite. She often suggests her father to stop tobacco farming. Ms. Sheuli said she got a chance to sleep only 3-4 hours during that period for about 3 months, which makes her and her family members physically and mentally ill. Ms. Sheuli Parvin also often urged to her husband to stop tobacco farming when she had to work inhumanly hard during the tobacco processing period. But, Mr. Habibur Rahman doesn’t stop cultivating tobacco mainly because there is no guarantee for making profit for any other crops as it has for tobacco.
6. Tobacco benefits the wealthy, not the poor
The main beneficiaries of the tobacco business are not farmers or factory workers but the national and multinational companies. Contrary to the tobacco industry’s claims that tobacco farming brings positive economic benefits to developing countries, the “overwhelming majority of profits go to the large companies, while many tobacco farmers find themselves poor and in debt.” 8
While most people toiling in tobacco fields and factories struggle to make ends meet, tobacco industry executives are rewarded handsomely. In 2002, the chief executive officer of Philip Morris/Altria, the world’s largest multinational tobacco company, made over US$ 3.2 million in salary and bonuses,9 while a British charity calculates that it would take the average tobacco farmer in Brazil around six years to earn the equivalent of what the director of one of the biggest tobacco companies earns in a single day (and approximately 2140 years to earn his annual salary).10
Tobacco is an extremely labour-intensive crop which requires large amounts of pesticides and fertilizers. These chemicals are expensive and must be bought in advance. If the crops fail due to drought or poor weather, the farmers are still liable for these costs.
Tobacco farmers often find themselves in a cycle of debts to repay farm input loans in the event of a bad crop or low prices of tobacco. Those employed in tobacco factories or selling tobacco on the streets often earn starvation wages. Far from growing rich from their work, many of those working in tobacco are facing multi-generational poverty compounded by illiteracy and poor health.
On the other hand, among the farmers, the big and rich farmers benefit from tobacco farming. The small and marginal farmers don’t get the registration card from the company because they don’t have enough land to get the card. So, they often cultivate tobacco as non-card holders and suffer a lot during marketing, which has been described earlier. Besides, the poor farmers can’t invest as much as required, which hampers the yield, resulting in less profit.
Recommendations
In order to restrict the increasing trend of tobacco farming, the following measures should be taken-
- The farmer must be informed about the true economy of tobacco farming. They have to be capacitated to calculate the real cost of production for tobacco and other crops.
- Appropriate and feasible alternatives of tobacco should be identified through participatory action research and those should be delivered to the farmers through proper extension services.
- The marketing system for other crops needs to be reformed so that farmers get fair price of their products. For this farmers’ cooperative should be formed for collective production and marketing directly to the consumers.
- The farmers should be sensitized on the detrimental impacts of tobacco farming on food security, soil, health and the environment.
- The farmers should be patronized with input subsidy, uninterrupted supply of quality inputs like seeds & fertilizers, agricultural credit in easy terms & conditions, as well as field level technical support for other crops.
Concluding remarks
It was interestingly observed that the farmers know about the harmful impact of tobacco farming on soil fertility & productivity, health and the environment. They also noticed that the cost of production is increasing day by day, and as a result, the profitability is also decreasing. The insect occurrence & disease infestation is also increasing day by day. But, even though they cultivate tobacco mainly because they think that tobacco is more profitable than any other crop. In the FGDs it was found that the farmers have plans to increase their acreage of tobacco in coming years because they have no other suitable options in hand, mainly because the marketing system for other crops is not favourable for the farmers.
Although the farmers are interested in quitting tobacco cultivation but they are neither well-informed about plausible alternatives nor about the ways to make the transition. Farmers must be informed of the true economies of tobacco. In addition to that, they must be shown appropriate and feasible alternatives to tobacco through participatory action research and provide proper agricultural extension services. Most importantly, providing marketing facilities, introducing sustainable procurement drives at reasonable prices, and enhancing the storage facilities for other crops would also act as catalysts for farmers to quit growing tobacco.
References
- World Health Organization. The Tobacco Atlas (2002).
- Tobacco and poverty: A vicious circle. World Health Organization, 2004 pg6.
- Efroymson, D. et al. Hungry for tobacco: an analysis of the economic impact of tobacco consumption on the poor in Bangladesh.
- Debra Efroymson and Saifuddin Ahmed, Hungry for Tobacco: an analysis of the impact of tobacco on the poor in Bangladesh. Dhaka: July 2000.
- Firdousi Naher, F & Chowdhury AMR; To produce or not to produce: tackling the tobacco dilemma in Bangladesh; Tobacco and Poverty Observations from India and Bangladesh, PATH Canada, October 2002.
- Aldicarb CC. Journal of Pesticide Reform, Summer 1992.
- Cox C. 1,3—Dichloropropene. Journal of Pesticide Reform, Spring 1992.
- Philip Morris/Altria Securities and Exchange Commission Form DEF-14a, 17 March 2003.
- Christian Aid/ DESER, Hooked on Tobacco report February 2002.
- World Health Organization. http://www.who.int/tobacco/communications/events/wntd/2004/en/factsindividuals_en.pdf
A Case Study
‘We cultivate tobacco finding no alternative’ says farmer Habibur
Mr. Habibur Rahman a small farmer of Bijoypur village under Jhenaidah sadar upazila. He is now fifty years old but very strong and energetic farmer. With his wife and three children, he has a five members’ family. He has a total of 2.52 acres of his own land, including homestead. He cultivated tobacco on 2 acres of land in 2008 and on 2.76 acres of land in 2009 and 2010. He has taken 92 decimal of land lease for tobacco cultivation. Before cultivating tobacco, he cultivated paddy, wheat, lentil, mustard and jute in his lands. 
Tobacco cultivation was started around 25 years ago in Bijoypur village. But, cultivation was stopped for 10-12 years due mainly to lower price and less profitability. During that period, only very few farmers from surrounding villages cultivated tobacco by taking lease the land of the farmer of Bijorpur village. When Mr. Habibur Rahman found that tobacco farming was profitable then he started to grow tobacco about 10 years ago. The field workers of British American Tobacco Company (BATC) provoked them to cultivate tobacco by saying that it is very much profitable and the company will purchase whole products at a good price. Then Mr. Habibur Rahman came to a contract with the company and got a card of two acres of land. It is to mention here that the minimum ceiling for getting contract card is two acres of tobacco land. At present, there are 65 tobacco growers in Bijoypur village growing tobacco in almost 163 acres of land while it was only 5-6 acres at initial stage. Tobacco cultivation has increased very rapidly during the last few years.
Very interestingly, Mr. Habibur Rahman knows that tobacco cultivation is harmful for soil fertility & productivity, health and environment. He also aware that the cost of production is increasing day by day and as a result the profitability is also decreasing. The insect occurrence & disease infestation is also increasing day by day. But, he cultivates tobacco mainly because he thinks that tobacco is more profitable than any other crop.
He noted that one acre of tobacco cultivation requires about Tk.75000-80000, including land lease value and family labour and if the price is on an average Tk.100/kg then the total price would be Tk.90000-95000 if they get good yield. So, the profit margin is not so high, but it seems to be very high for him because he never calculates his land value and family labour cost. The most importantly, he gets the total cost at a time though bank cheque which is a very big amount for him. For example, in 2010 he sold his all tobacco of 2.92 acres of land at a price of Tk. 230000, which is a very big amount for him
He said that tobacco cultivation requires 10 times more fertilizer than other crops except Potash fertilizer. Some farmers put table salt at the rate of 40-45 kg/acre if the land is taken lease. The farmers don’t want to use salt in their own land because it is harmful for soil health. He also uses different kinds of pesticides to control diseases and insects.
He said that the farmers don’t have any control over the pricing of tobacco. The companies fix the price during the harvesting period. The farmers are often cheated by the company in the case of pricing and tobacco quality determination. The farmers go to the company purchase centre with their tobacco. The company officials check the quality and fix the price.
He noticed that the price was stable, but during the last two or three years, the price has become very much unstable. In 2008, the price was Tk. 80-90 per kg. which was increased to Tk. 125-135 in 2009. But, in 2010, it again went down to Tk. 110-120. The card-holding farmers get better price,s but the non-card-holder farmers suffer very much with their tobacco leaf. They even have to sell their leaf at half price then the actual market price, to the middlemen.
Mr. Habibur Rahman had a card of BATC for eight years. But, last year the company cancelled the card because he sold a little part of his tobacco at higher price to the buyer of Dhaka Tobacco Company (DTC). Then he got a card from DTC. However, DTC and its officials are very much fraud in tobacco purchases. This year, Mr. Habibur Rahman suffered a lot to sell his tobacco. He sold his best-quality tobacco at the rate of only Tk.65 to DTC where he had nothing to do. In fact, the company compelled the farmers to sell their tobacco to their brokers, to whom the staff had hidden contracts. The brokers purchased the tobacco from the farmers at the rate of Tk. 80-90, while they sell to the company at the rate of Tk. 120-130 or more. Then the profit is shared among the brokers and the company officials. Generally, the local musclemen are involved with this kind of brokery. So, the farmers can’t say anything against such types of irregularities and corruption. He also said the governance of BATC is better than the other companies.
He said that the company provides free seeds and technical support. The company also provides fertilizers & pesticides on credit, which is deducted from the price of the products. These facilities are only given to the cardholder farmers.
Ms. Sheuli Parvin, the wife of Mr. Habibur Rahman, along with their children Tutul Hossain (11 years), Iti Khatun (14 years) and Ripon Mahbub (16 years) have to work hard during the processing period of tobacco leaf. Ripon, the elder son of Mr. Habibur, could not pass the SSC exam last year due mainly to his engagement with tobacco farming. The youngest son, Limon, is irregular to school. Only the daughter Iti is reading in class eight in local secondary school. She is also uncertain about continuing her studies. However, all of them have to support their parents during harvesting and processing of tobacco. Iti said with a bothered mind that she doesn’t like tobacco when brought to home. They feel various health hazards like headache, gastric, vomiting tendency etc. She often suggests that her father to stop tobacco farming. Ms. Sheuli Parvin said she also often suggested her husband to stop tobacco farming when she had to work inhumanly hard during the tobacco processing period. Ms. Sheuli said she get the chance to sleep only 3-4 hours during that period of about 3 months. Due to hard labour, their appearances are significantly changed, which is typical for tobacco farmers.
The most important motivation to cultivate tobacco for Mr. Habibur Rahman is the assurance of marketing with fair price which is the problem for other crops. When they get a good amount of money at a time then feel enormous pleasure and forget all sufferings and hard work. But, in the context of harmfulness of tobacco farming for health, environment, soil health and overall food security as well as hard family labour Mr. Habibur Rahman & his family don’t want to cultivate tobacco if the fair price for other crops is guaranteed.
by শহীদুল ইসলাম | Mar 28, 2025 | প্রকৃতি কথা
1. Introduction
Bangladesh is a land of rich culture. The culture of Bangladesh is rich in a huge and amazing variety of foods. Bangladesh is a country of festivals. There is a well-known proverb which is “Baro mase tero parban i.e. Thirteen festivals in twelve month”. Food is an integral part of the festivals. The cuisines of Bangladesh consist of an amazing blend of spices, rice, fish and sweets. “Mase-Bhate Bengali” i.e. “Bengalese with fish & rice” is another well-known proverb. Traditionally, the peoples of the country are very much fond of filling up the stomach with huge amount of different delicious foods but never conscious about nutrition. Once upon a time the nutrition requirement was fulfilled perhaps automatically due to intake of huge amount of diversity of fresh foods including fish, meat, vegetables, fruits etc. with full of nutrition. But, at present the situation has drastically been changed.
Traditionally, cereals, largely rice, are the main food in Bangladesh. At present, nearly two-thirds of the daily diet consists of rice. The people of the country take rice along with some vegetables, a little amount of pulses and small quantities of fish if and when available. Milk, milk products and meat are consumed only occasionally and in very small amounts. Fruit consumption is seasonal and includes mainly papaya and banana which are cultivated round the year. The dietary intake of cooking oil and fat is meager. The typical rural diet in Bangladesh is, reportedly, not well balanced.10
The dietary habits often do not meet good nutritional requirements, with a preference for polished rice and leafy vegetables of poor nutritional quality. In addition, cultural norms dictate a better diet for males over females with the male head of the household getting the best meal portions. Persistent poverty, inadequate nutrition information and gender inequity cause pervasive malnutrition among women, especially pregnant women and lactating mothers.
While food habits vary at regional and even individual household levels, in general, food preparation methods result in significant nutrient loss. Minerals and vitamins, especially B-complex vitamins are lost (40 percent of thiamine and niacin) even during the washing of rice before cooking. Boiling rice and then discarding the water results in even more nutrient losses. The manner of washing and cooking vegetables leads to considerable loss of vitamin-C and B-complex vitamins.11
Therefore, food insecurity is still a great concern for Bangladesh though over the last few decades, Bangladesh has made considerable progress in increasing national level food availability and individual level energy intake. The rice-based diet in Bangladesh in the context of food and nutrition security Bangladesh is experiencing a situation with both food and nutrition insecurity. Nevertheless, the intake of energy and other essential nutrients is still far below the nutrient requirements and recommended dietary allowances.11 Diets are largely imbalanced with the staple food cereals contributing around 73% of total energy intake and a substantial proportion of dietary protein. In addition to imbalances in macronutrient intakes, diets are largely deficient in micronutrients, essential fatty acids and individual amino acids. Partly as a consequence of the paucity of diets, there is a high prevalence of malnutrition notably among young children and mothers along with emerging problems of diet related chronic diseases in the population.11 The present study therefore, tried to look into the traditional food culture of the country in the context of food and nutrition security of the people of the country.
2. Methodology
The study was conducted based on the data collected from 10 villages of Shailkupa upazila under Jhenaidah district of Bangladesh. The main methodology of the study was focus group discussion with both male and female people of the study area. Representation of the members of rich, medium & poor families as well as male & female in the FGDs was ensured. It was also ensured representation of both Muslims & Hidus so that religious diversity of food culture is reflected in the study. Discussion was also held with relevant government officials, development workers and civil society people. Data was also collected from 120 randomly selected households in order to measure the intake of different food items per person per day. The data was then computed by using MS Excel program of computer. Relevant secondary documents were also reviewed in preparing the study report.
3. Findings & Discussion
3.1 Traditional Bengali Foods
Although young in age, Bangladesh is a country rooted in a millennium old culture and tradition. Bangladesh’s culture, like all other cultures, is a result of a blend of geography and religion. The effect of geography and religion can be seen in everything from cuisine to entertainment to marital rituals. Bangladesh is a primarily Muslim country which affects it in all aspects of its culture. For instance, Bengali cuisine will never feature any pork dishes, nor will one ever see wine as an ingredient to any dish. One ingredient prevalent in Bengali cuisine is spice. Almost all main dishes with Bengali influence contain some sort of spice for flavor. The emphasis of spice on Bengali cuisine is indicative of the region, which is notorious for its spices. Although spices are a staple in Bengali cuisine, they are not the most significant part of the Bengali diet.
3.1.1 The Main Foods
Rice is the staple food of Bangladeshi people. Traditionally Bangladeshis eat rice as Bhat (boiled rice) as their staple food and major intake. About 70 percent of what they eat is based on rice, which is their main source of carbohydrate.8 Rice is also taken as polao (sunned rice cooked with spices), biriani (sunned rice cooked with chicken or mutton with spices & condiments), chira (flattened rice), muri (puffed rice), hotchpotch as well as in some other preparations. For last few decades wheat has become part of the Bengali menu but still not common specially in the rural area. Few decades ago when there was scarcity of rice, wheat was considered as poor peoples’ food. People ate wheat only when they were fallen into scarcity of rice. But, now the situation is being changed. Health conscious people take rooti or chapati (wheat-based food items) at least once in a day on a regular basis specially in the urban area. But, in the rural area wheat is not popular yet. Few decades ago there were also other sources of carbohydrate such as cown (one kind of food grain), barley etc. which are now almost disappeared due mainly to monoculture of rice.
Unlike other foods, bhat is eaten after mixing with different kind of curry, bhaji (fry), bharta (mash) etc. Generally Bhaji and Bharta are made of countless varieties of vegetables and fishes. The curry is cooked with different kind of vegetables separately or mixed or added with fish or meat. Different kind of dal (soup made of different pulses like lentil, mung bean, khesari, gram, pea etc.) are also taken mixing with bhat. There are also different kinds of ghonto (mixture of vegetables, pulses and even head of big fishes) which are commonly eaten with bhat. There are also different kind of achar & chutni (pickles) which are eaten to enhance the taste.
Shorshe Ilish, a dish of smoked ilish with mustard-seed paste, has been an important part Bengali cuisine. There are numerous ways of cooking fish depending on the texture, size, fat content and the bones. It could be fried, cooked in roasted, a simple spicy tomato or ginger based gravy (jhol), or mustard based with green chillies (shorshe batar jhaal), with posto, with seasonal vegetables, steamed, steamed inside of plantain or butternut squash leaves, cooked with doi (curd/yogurt), with sour sauce, with sweet sauce or even the fish made to taste sweet on one side, and savory on the other.
Bangladesh has more than forty types of mostly freshwater fish are common, including carp varieties like rui (rohu), koi (climbing perch), the wriggling catfish family – tangra, magur, shingi, pabda (the pink-bellied Indian butter fish), katla, ilish (ilish), as well as shuţki (small dried sea fish). Chingri (prawn) is a particular favourite and comes in many varieties – kucho (tiny shrimp), bagda (tiger prawns) or galda (Scampi). All of these are fresh water fishes. Only few decades ago these fishes could be found in small rural ponds and all types of inland water bodies and even in the submerged fields of paddy or jute all over the country. At that time the rural people could catch plenty of these fishes without paying any cost which is next to impossible now-a-days. Salt-water fishes were also found in abundance. Bangladesh can boast of a wide range of Shutki (sun-dried fish) of fresh-water and salt-water fishes. Dishes made of Shutki are popular and delicious and feature in typical traditional meals. Rice and fish is very common dish in Bengali food culture for thousands of years. So, the Bengalis are well-known as “Mase (Fish) bhate (rice) Bangali” all over the world. But, now-a-days the proverb has lost its merit because the availability of fishes has drastically been reduced due mainly to chemical intensive crop cultivation and scarcity of water.
3.1.2 The Spices & Condiments
Different spices and condiments are used in preparing Bengali dishes. Among them dried red chilli and bay leaves, cumin powder, cumin, red chilli powder, turmeric powder, ‘panch phoran’, coriander powder are common. The ‘pach poron’ is a general purpose spice mixture composed of radhuni (Carum roxburghianum seeds), jira (cumin), kalo jira (black cumin, also known as nigella), methi (fenugreek) and mouri (anis). This mixture is more convenient for vegetarian dishes and fish preparations. Shorsher tel (mustard oil) is the primary cooking medium in Bengali cuisine. Of late, the use of sunflower oil, soybean oil and refined vegetable oil, which is a mixture of soybean, kardi, and other edible vegetable oils, is gaining prominence. However, depending on type of food, ghee (clarified butter) is often used, e.g. for making the dough or for frying bread. Mustard paste, holud (turmeric), poshto (poppy seed), ada (ginger), dhania (coriander, seeds and leaves) and narikel (ripe coconut usually desiccated) are other common ingredients.
3.1.3 Sweet Desserts
Different kinds of sweets are integral part of food culture of Bangladeshi people. The people are fond of different kind of sweets like Sandesh (a milk based dessert), Zarda (sweetened rice with sugar, ghee and colour), Firni (rice flour cooked in milk with sugar and flavouring), Payesh (rice cooked with sugar, milk and some condiments), Khir (similar to payesh), Semai, Rasgolla and Kalojam-two popular milk-based desserts (made with sugar, flour and ghee), Rosh Malai (round sweets floating in thick milk), Misti Dhohi (sweetened yogurt), Halua (egg halua, carrot halua etc.), suji etc. In Bangladesh, different regions are renowned for different kinds of sweets. For example, Porabari in Tangail district is famous for chamcham, Mugtagachha in Mymensingh district for manda, Comilla district for pyara and rasmalai, Faridpur district for malaikari, Natore district for kanchagolla and Dhaka district for amrati, jilipi and pranhara.
3.1.4 Pithas (Home-made cake)
Pithas are part and parcel of traditional food culture of Bangladesh. Pitha is also called pithe or peetha which is a Bangla word that refers to rice cake or pie. But it’s not like the traditional cake or pie what is common in the western world and in their food culture. However, it is not part of our daily menu. Most of the pithas are seasonal, specially prepared in the winter season because of some ingredients which are available only in this season. And the pithas of the winter season are the most delicious – a special combination with the climate of winter cold. Besides, some pithas are strongly associated with harvest festivals such as Nabanna and Poush Parban. Some pithas are also made throughout the year. Most pithas are sweet and a few are hot.
Traditionally in Bangladesh pithas are prepared and served on special occasion, such as receiving bridegrooms or brides, entertaining guests and arranging special get together of family members, relatives or friends. Pithas are often eaten as small meals, such as breakfast or as a snack with tea, although there are many sweet varieties that are reserved for desserts.
The most common ingredients of pitha are sunned rice or wheat flour, molasses/gur or sugar, coconut and oil. Meat and vegetables are also used in preparing some pithas such as Pooli pitha, Shabji (vegetables) pitha, Bhapa (steamed) pitha, Jhal (hot) patishapta pitha and Mangsha (meat) patishapta pitha etc. Sometimes fruits – mostly jackfruit, palm, coconut and banana are also used in preparing some kind of pithas. Date juice and molasses/gur prepared from date juice, palm syra, sugarcane molasses/gur are also some of desirable ingredients. These pithas are named after the name of the fruit they are made from. A special type of pitha is prepared by using tree leaves as covers and are named as pata (leaf) pitha. Some pithas are named according to their size. A big size pitha is called ‘’Hati pitha’’, while one of the small types of pitha is named ‘’Khejur (date) pitha. Sometimes the same pitha has different names in different areas. Some pithas are nationally known and familiar to all.
Pithas are prepared by different ways and that give different test. Depending on the type of pitha being prepared, pithas can be fried in oil, slow-roasted over a fire, steamed or baked and rolled over a hot plate. The most common and popular pithas that are well known throughout Bangladesh are Chitoi pitha, Patishapta, Pakan pitha, Bhapa pitha, Andosha, Kulshi pitha, Pata pitha, Jhuri pitha, Muthi pitha, Teler pitha, Puli pitha, Beni pitha, Dudher pitha, Gokul pitha, Chui Pitha, Roser pitha etc.
Now a days life is not so easy and simple like before. People especially those who live in urban areas don’t have much time to engage themselves for making pitha. It demands time and labour for preparation of pitha making. That is why, now a days cakes, pastry and other food items that are sold commercially are gradually replacing traditional homemade pithas, especially in urban areas. But pithas still continue to attract many, even in urban areas. Many specialized shops sell costly pithas and small vendors in street corners also make their living by selling cheap pithas.
3.1.5 Drinks
Sarbat, prepared with water, sugar and lemon, is very common drinks all over Bangladesh. Green coconut water is also served as fresh ready-made drinks in the rural area. Borhani is also served as drinks but not common other than some big ceremonies like marriage. Lassi is a refreshing yogurt drink which is also served by mainly rich people. Besides, milky sweet tea or raw tea are available almost everywhere in the country. Now a days corporate drinks such as Pepsi, Coca-Cola, Fanta, 7-up, Mirinda, Sun Crest, Sprite are readily available and has become symbol of aristocracy replacing the traditional drinks. Hard drinks are available only in big hotels and selected restaurants. Drinking wines, whisky, bear etc. in public is restricted in the country.
3.1.6 Fruits
Traditionally, fruit is not considered as food in the country. So, no fruit is served associated with daily meals specially in the rural area of the country. Food is taken as seasonal food. Once upon a time Bangladesh was very much rich in diversity of seasonal fruits which were available throughout the country all the year round. In every household there were different kinds of seasonal fruit trees for mainly family consumption. But, those fruits are now rarely available due mainly to aggression of few kinds of expensive exotic fruits like apple, orange, grape etc. These fruits are considered as very much nutritious by most of the people both in rural and urban area which is not true at all as described later on. As a result, fruits are almost disappeared from the menu of the people of Bangladesh specially from the menu of poor peoples.
3.2 Common Bengali Recipe Styles
The following are a list of characteristics of Bengali recipe styles. Each entry here is actually a class of recipes, producing different dishes depending on the choice of ingredients. There are six different tastes to which the Bengali palate cater to, sweet, sour, salty, bitter, hot and “koshay”.
- Shak: Any kind of green leafy vegetable, like spinach, red amaranth, green amaranth, Indian spinach, bottle guard leaf, sweet gourd leaf etc. are often cooked with oil and onion, garlic, green chilli, salt etc., is called shak.
- Bhaji : Some vegetables like potato, bitter gourd, okra, green papaya, green banana etc. are fried on a frying pan mixed with oil and onion, garlic, green chilli, salt etc., is called Bhaji.
- Bharta : Any vegetable, such as potatoes, brinjal, okra, beans, green papaya, pumpkins or even dal, first boiled whole and then mashed with fresh chilli, mustard oil/ghee and spices, is called Bharta. For making bharta the vegetables are often boiled keeping inside the pot of boiling rice.
- Bawra: Anything that has been mashed and then formed into rough roundish shape and fried generally in mustard or soybean oil is called bawra. It is generally served with rice as a starter, or served with puffed rice crisps as a snack.
- Charchari: It is usually a vegetable dish which is cooked with one or more varieties of vegetables, sometimes with the stalks of leafy greens vegetables, cut into longish strips. The chachhari is often mixed with small shrimp or other small fishes. Turmeric powder, onion, garlic, green chilli, salt etc. are used in cooking charchari. The chachhari would be generally fried in a korai (a slightly rounded wok) with little water so that the preparation remains almost dry. Therefore, it can be called dry curry.
- Dalna: Mixed vegetables or eggs, cooked in a medium thick gravy seasoned with ground spices, especially garam mashla and a touch of ghee.
- Dolma: A vegetable, ‘patal’, stuffed with fish boiled, de-boned, then prepared with Bengali five spice powder, ginger and onions (alternately coconut-vegetable stuffing is used).
- Ghonto: Different complementary vegetables (e.g. cabbage, green peas, potatoes or banana blossom, coconut, chickpeas) are chopped or finely grated and cooked with both a pouron and ground spices. Dried pellets of dal are often added to the ghonto. Non-vegetarian ghontos are also made, with fish or fish heads added to vegetables. The famous murighonto is made with fish heads cooked in a fine variety of rice. Some ghontos are very dry while others a thick and juicy.
- Jhal: Literally, hot. A great favorite in Bengali households, this is made with fish or shrimp or meat, first lightly fried and then cooked in a light sauce of ground red chilli or ground mustard and a flavoring of panch-pouron or kalo jira.
- Jhol: A light fish or vegetable stew seasoned with ground spices like ginger, cumin, coriander, chilli, and turmeric with pieces of fish and longitudinal slices of vegetables floating in it. The gravy is thin yet extremely flavorful. Whole green chillies are usually added at the end and green coriander leaves are used to season for extra taste. It is the closest to a “Curry”, yet it is more of a jus than a sauce.
- Torkari: A general term often used in Bengal the way `curry’ is used in English. The word first meant uncooked garden vegetables. From this it was a natural extension to mean cooked vegetables or even fish and vegetables cooked together.
- Kalia: A very rich preparation of fish, meat or vegetables using a lot of oil and ghee with a sauce usually based on ground ginger and fresh shallots pasted or fried along with a tempering of garam mashla.
- Kofta (or Boras): Ground meat or vegetable croquettes bound together by spices and/or eggs served alone or in savory gravy. Koftas are usually softer than boras which are mainly made of ground lentils, sometimes with added chopped vegetables – Telebhaja is different.
- Korma: A term that can also be called “Qurma” of Mughali origin, meaning meat or chicken cooked in a mild yoghurt based sauce with ghee instead of oil, and often poppy seed paste is added to it. People of Southern Bangladesh are known to add coconut milk to many of their dishes and Korma is no exception.
- Kasha: Meaning fried for a long time with ground and whole spices over high heat until shallot/garlic/ginger have dissolved into a thick paste. Usually applied to meat and some shellfish.
- Chutney: Generally Bengal is one of the pioneers for this particular dish, making it with everything including preserved mango sheets, called amshatta.
- Ombol or Aum-bol (also known as Tok) : A sour dish made either with several vegetables or fish, especially fish bones. The souring agent is usually tamarind pulp, unripe mango and sometimes amla or amloki is used. Curd, though a souring agent occasionally used with non-vegetarian dishes, will not be called ombol. It is served at the end of the meal as a kind of digestive, and to cleanse the palate.
- Achar: Generally flavored with Mustard oil, Mustard Seeds, Aniseed, Caraway Seed and Asafoetida, or hing.
3.3 Cooking Instruments and utensils
Another characteristic of Bengali food is the use of a unique cutting instrument, the boti (also called the dao in some regional dialects). It is a long curved blade on a platform held down by foot; both hands are used to hold whatever is being cut and move it against the blade. The method gives excellent control over the cutting process, and can be used to cut anything from tiny shrimp to large pumpkins. Knives are rare in a traditional Bengali kitchen.
Different utensils used in a Bengali household. Among them kadai, tawa, haandi, tea pan and a dekchi are common. A korai (wok) is a universal cooking vessel for most Bengali food, for making sauces, frying/stir-frying etc. Dekchi (a flat bottomed pan) is used generally for larger amounts of cooking or for making rice. The dekchi comes with a thin flat lid which is used also to strain out the starch while finishing up cooking rice. The other prominent cooking utensil is a hari, which is a round bottomed pot like vessel. All the three mentioned vessels come in various sizes and in various metals and alloys. the “Tawa” is used to make roti and porota.
Silverware, as expected, is not part of traditional Bengali cookery. A flat metal spatula, khunti is used often, along with hata (scoop with a long handle), jhanjri (round shaped sieve like spatula to deep fry food), the “sharashi” (pincers to remove vessels from the fire), the ghuntni (wooden hand blender) for puréeing dal and the old wooden belun chaki (round pastry board and rolling pin), and the “shil nora”, which is a rough form of a mortar and pestle, or grinding stone is also used. The “Kuruni” is a unitasker, there to grate coconuts.
3.4 Nutritional status of the People of the Country
Despite considerable improvement in the national rural health status, the nutritional well-being of rural people continues to be neglected.15 Children and women in Bangladesh suffer from high levels of malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies such as low birth weight (LBW), undernutrition (underweight, stunting and wasting), vitamin A deficiency, iodine-deficiency disorders (IDD) and iron-deficiency anaemia (IDA). At the same time, new health problems related to over-nutrition such as obesity are emerging.11
Maternal undernutrition (body mass index less than 18.5 kg/m2) in non-pregnant women in the country, while declining from 54 percent in 1996–1997 to 38 percent in 2003, is still very high.1, 6 Undernutrition, both before and during pregnancy, causes intrauterine growth retardation and is one of the major reasons for the high LBW (36 percent) prevalence in the country.11
Low birth weight is more common among adolescent mothers. Marriage at very young age has serious consequences for pregnancy, future survival, health, growth and development. When combined with positive energy balance (adequate energy intake) in later life, LBW increases the risk of obesity, diabetes, high blood pressure and coronary heart disease. Between 1990 and 2004, underweight levels among children fell from 67 to 48 percent and child stunting fell from 66 to 43 percent,4, 2 but the levels are still unacceptably high.11
The consumption of vitamin A-rich foods is still low, suggesting that the underlying causes of vitamin A deficiency require further attention. The diets of pregnant women in low-income groups are deficient not only in micronutrients but also in energy. Anaemia is a severe public health problem affecting pre-school children (49 percent) and pregnant women (47 percent), and a moderate public health problem among non-pregnant women (33 percent) and adolescents (29 percent).3 Anaemia caused by iron deficiency impairs the growth and learning ability of children, lowers resistance to infectious diseases and increases the risk of maternal death and LBW. Children are malnourished by inadequate dietary intake or infectious diseases.
There is a general perception that poverty is the root cause of the malnutrition of the people of the country which is not fully true. In fact, the lack of awareness about nutrition is the root cause in this regard. However, the other underlying causes include (i) household food insecurity resulting from inability to grow or purchase a nutritionally adequate amount and variety of food; (ii) lack of dietary diversity; (iii) inadequate maternal and child care due to inappropriate hygiene, health and nutrition; (iv) low rates of exclusive breast feeding; (v) inadequate access to quality health services; (vi) poor environmental hygiene and sanitation along with low levels of income and maternal formal education. Malnutrition early in life has long-lasting and negative effects on overall growth, morbidity, cognitive development, educational attainment and adult productivity.14
Because of this, the nutritional status of children, particularly below five years of age, is seen as one of the most sensitive indicators of a country’s vulnerability to food insecurity and overall socio-economic development. Women of child-bearing age are also highly vulnerable to nutritional deficiencies because of increased need for food and nutrients during pregnancy and lactation.
3.5 Rural Peoples’ Perception about Food & Nutrition
It was very difficult for the respondents of the study to respond instantly to the questions “What do you mean by food & why do you take food?” because it is such a habitual fact from the very beginning of life that they never think about. Food is synonymous to bhat to the people of Bangladesh because they often use the word ‘bhat’ instead of food. For example, when someone says “I am going to take food” s/he says “I am going to take bhat”. However, after some brainstorming they could express their general understanding about food as follows-
“Whatever we eat to live is food. For example, rice, fish, meat, vegetables etc. are foods for us”.
Then in response to the question “Why do you take food?” the respondents answered in different ways as follows-
- we take food to live because we can’t live without food;
- we take food when we feel hungry;
- we take food to fill up our stomach;
- we take food to gain energy in our body for work;
- we take food to maintain good health;
The answers reveal that the people have general perception about food from their practical knowledge and feelings. But unfortunately, in practice, they are not much concern about the nutritional requirement of their body and the nutritional value of different foods they take every day. The respondents of the study were found little concerned about balanced diet which is essential for their healthy and active life. In general, the people take food which are delicious for them. In fact, rice is the main food for the people of Bangladesh. The other foods like fish, meat, dal, vegetables are the means to make the rice delicious. Feeling up the stomach with rice is the main objective of taking food for the people in rural areas perhaps also in the urban area. The poor or hardcore poor people have little choice to afford different delicious food. Therefore, they are satisfied if they can fill up their stomach with a bowl of rice by any means. On the other hand, the rich people arrange many delicious items to take rice.
Traditionally, mother cook food and feed the children. The mother is very much concerned that her child is in full stomach all the times and don’t feel hungry. Therefore, mother always insists the child to take more and more rice to fill up the stomach. The mother becomes satisfied if her children take full stomach of rice with anything eg. mash of potato which is also a carbohydrate containing food item. As a result, from the very boyhood the people of the country get the habit of taking huge quantity rice or carbohydrate much more than their requirement. On the other hand, the children are growing up with deficiency of vitamins & minerals and also protein which are very much essential for their proper growth and development. It is not only the scenario of the rural poor and uneducated people but also a habitual fact for urban educated people. As a result, the nation is growing up with malnutrition and poor health.
The people have a general perception that the costly foods are the most nutritious food. So, the respondents of the study identified costly fishes like Hilsa, meat like mutton, chicken or beef, milk, egg and few kinds of exotic fruits like apple, orange, grape etc. as the nutritious food. Therefore, they have general perception that they suffer from malnutrition as they can’t afford to purchase these costly foods. Very surprisingly, this is not only the perception of illiterate people but also the rural literate people and may be of urban people as well. Among the respondents of the study nobody was found to know that the fish, meat, milk, egg etc. all are sources of protein. They also don’t know that they have plenty of other sources of protein around them like low cost small fishes, different kinds of pulses like lentil, mung bean, khesari, gram, pea, seeds of jackfruit & beans etc. Once upon a time pulses were called “the protein of the poor” which is not true now-a-days because the prices of pulses has gone very high over last few decades because the production has gone down due mainly to increased monoculture of irrigated boro rice.
The same situation prevails in case of vegetables. The peoples have general perception that the costly exotic vegetables like Cabbage, Cauliflower, Knolkhol, Spinach etc. are much more nutritious compared to indigenous vegetables. That is why, their dependency on market for vegetables is being increased day by day. Their expenditure for vegetables is also being increased. It is worthy to mention here that the aforesaid exotic vegetables need huge amount of chemical fertilizers and pesticides to grow which is great threat for health. Therefore, the health threat is also being increased. However, once upon a time specially before independence most of the vegetables were grown in homestead without using any chemical fertilizers and pesticides. Only few vegetables like Brinjal, Radish, Potato, Green Amaranth, Aroids, Tomato etc. were grown in the field also without using any chemical fertilizers & pesticides. The rural people specially the poor people collected different kinds of vegetables either from crop field or from the fallow land which were grown without cultivation. For example, Bathua, Bakful, Kanchushak, Methishak, Noteshak, Pudina, Kalmishak, Getkal, Halencha, Telakucha, Pipul, Amrul, Punarnaba, Shantishak, Setadrun, Raktadrun, Thankuni, Gonori, Gimashak, Kanaishak, Nuniashak, Shushni shak, Sarisha (Mustard) shak, Pat (Jute) shak and many others.
The nutritional values of different indigenous and exotic vegetables are presented in table-1 and the ranking of the vegetables in terms of nutrition content is presented in table-2. The data presented in the tables shows that the exotic vegetables Cabbage, Cauliflower, Knolkhol, Lettuce and Spinach have much less nutritional values compared to many of the indigenous vegetables. According to mineral contents of the vegetables it is observed that the ranks of Cabbage, Cauliflower, Knolkhol, Lettuce and Spinach are 18, 16, 11, 13 and 6 respectively while the ranks for calcium contents are 13, 12, 15, 11 and 9 and the ranks for iron contents are 14, 11, 16, 10 and 3 respectively. On the other hand, the ranks of Cabbage, Cauliflower, Knolkhol, Lettuce and Spinach for Vitamin-A contents are 14, 15, 16, 10 & 6; for Vitamin-B-1 contents are 10, 14, 16, 7 & 8; for vitamin-B-2 contents are 13, 14, 15, 6 & 8 and for vitamin-C contents are 17, 2, 4, 13 & 11 respectively. Further, according to calorie contents the ranks of Cabbage, Cauliflower, Knolkhol, Lettuce and Spinach are 15, 10, 11, 18 and 13 respectively. Therefore, it is obvious that many of the indigenous vegetables are more nutritious than the costly exotic vegetables that invalidate the peoples’ perception regarding nutritional values of vegetables.
Table-1: Nutritional Values of different indigenous and exotic Vegetables (per 100 g)
Name of Vegetable |
Minerals
(g) |
Calcium (mg) |
Iron
(mg) |
Vit. A
(micro-g) |
Vit. B-1
(mg) |
Vit. B-2 (mg) |
Vit. C (mg) |
Calorie (Kcl) |
Cabbage |
0.5 |
31 |
0.8 |
0 |
0.06 |
0.05 |
3 |
28 |
Cauliflower |
0.8 |
41 |
1.5 |
0 |
0.027 |
0.03 |
91 |
41 |
Knolkhol |
1.3 |
25 |
0.4 |
0 |
0.01 |
0.03 |
53 |
41 |
Lettuce |
1.2 |
50 |
2.4 |
990 |
0.09 |
0.13 |
10 |
21 |
Spinach |
1.8 |
98 |
10 |
8470 |
0.03 |
0.09 |
15 |
30 |
Bakful |
3.1 |
1130 |
3.9 |
5400 |
0.21 |
0.09 |
169 |
93 |
Bathua |
2.6 |
150 |
4.2 |
1740 |
0.01 |
0.14 |
35 |
30 |
Kanchushak |
2.2 |
227 |
10 |
10278 |
0.22 |
0.26 |
12 |
56 |
Methishak |
1.5 |
395 |
16.5 |
2340 |
0.04 |
0.31 |
52 |
49 |
Noteshak |
3.3 |
200 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
26 |
Pudina |
1.6 |
85 |
15.6 |
13300 |
0.09 |
0.08 |
28 |
49 |
Kalmishak |
1.1 |
107 |
3.9 |
10740 |
0.14 |
0.4 |
42 |
46 |
Lalshak |
1.6 |
374 |
0 |
11940 |
0.1 |
0.13 |
43 |
43 |
Puishak |
1.4 |
164 |
10 |
12750 |
0.02 |
0.36 |
64 |
27 |
Sajina |
1.9 |
21 |
5.3 |
750 |
0.04 |
0.02 |
45 |
60 |
Kanchkala |
1 |
11 |
0.6 |
0 |
0.09 |
0.06 |
4 |
83 |
Brinjal |
0.8 |
28 |
0.9 |
850 |
0.12 |
0.08 |
5 |
42 |
Green papaya |
1.3 |
13 |
0.9 |
560 |
0.4 |
0.02 |
6 |
36 |
Source: http://www.ais.gov.bd/home/publication/nutrition-89.html
Table-2: Ranking of different indigenous and exotic vegetables according to Nutritional Values
Rank |
Minerals
(g) |
Calcium
(mg) |
Iron
(mg) |
Vit. A
(micro-g) |
Vit. B-1
(mg) |
Vit. B-2 (mg) |
Vit. C
(mg) |
Calorie (Kcl) |
1 |
Noteshak |
Bakful |
Methishak |
Pudina |
Green papaya |
Kalmishak |
Bakful |
Bakful |
2 |
Bakful |
Methishak |
Pudina |
Puishak |
Kanchushak |
Puishak |
Cauliflower |
Kanchkala |
3 |
Bathua |
Lalshak |
Spinach |
Lalshak |
Bakful |
Methishak |
Puishak |
Sajina |
4 |
Kanchushak |
Kanchushak |
Kanchushak |
Kalmishak |
Kalmishak |
Kanchushak |
Knolkhol |
Kanchushak |
5 |
Sajina |
Noteshak |
Puishak |
Kanchushak |
Brinjal |
Bathua |
Methishak |
Methishak |
6 |
Spinach |
Puishak |
Sajina |
Spinach |
Lalshak |
Lettuce |
Sajina |
Pudina |
7 |
Pudina |
Bathua |
Bathua |
Bakful |
Lettuce |
Lalshak |
Lalshak |
Kalmishak |
8 |
Lalshak |
Kalmishak |
Bakful |
Methishak |
Pudina |
Spinach |
Kalmishak |
Lalshak |
9 |
Methishak |
Spinach |
Kalmishak |
Bathua |
Kanchkala |
Bakful |
Bathua |
Brinjal |
10 |
Puishak |
Pudina |
Lettuce |
Lettuce |
Cabbage |
Pudina |
Pudina |
Cauliflower |
11 |
Knolkhol |
Lettuce |
Cauliflower |
Brinjal |
Methishak |
Brinjal |
Spinach |
Knolkhol |
12 |
Green papaya |
Cauliflower |
Brinjal |
Sajina |
Sajina |
Kanchkala |
Kanchushak |
Green papaya |
13 |
Lettuce |
Cabbage |
Green papaya |
Green papaya |
Spinach |
Cabbage |
Lettuce |
Spinach |
14 |
Kalmishak |
Brinjal |
Cabbage |
Cabbage |
Cauliflower |
Cauliflower |
Green papaya |
Bathua |
15 |
Kanchkala |
Knolkhol |
Kanchkala |
Cauliflower |
Puishak |
Knolkhol |
Brinjal |
Cabbage |
16 |
Cauliflower |
Sajina |
Knolkhol |
Knolkhol |
Knolkhol |
Sajina |
Kanchkala |
Puishak |
17 |
Brinjal |
Green papaya |
Noteshak |
Noteshak |
Bathua |
Green papaya |
Cabbage |
Noteshak |
18 |
Cabbage |
Kanchkala |
Lalshak |
Kanchkala |
Noteshak |
Noteshak |
Noteshak |
Lettuce |
On the other hand, very unfortunately, the respondents of the study identified few kinds of exotic fruits like apple, orange, grape etc. as the nutritious fruits. It is to mention here that once upon a time Bangladesh was very much rich in diversity of seasonal fruits which were available throughout the country all the year round. In every household there were different kinds of seasonal fruit trees for mainly family consumption. The respondents of the study identified various kinds of indigenous fruits which were available either at their homestead or at the village. The few of the fruits are Jackfruit, Mango, Litchi, Guava, Blackberry, Jujube (Ber), Golden apple, Banana, Papaya, Coconut, Carambola, Pummelo, Lemon/Lime, Sapota, Monkey jack, Jamun, Rose apple, Bullock’s heart, Custard apple, Indian dellenia, Satkara, Fig, Karonda, Burmese grape, Bel/wood apple, Elephant’s foot apple, Riverebony, Tamarind, Palmyara palm, Pomegranate, Star gooseberry, Longan, Olive, Date palm, Wax apple, Cowa (mangosteen), Aonla, Toikar, Waterchesnut, Phalsa, Melon, Pineapple, Watermelon, Bilimbi, Santol, Jaboticaba, Mulberry etc. Now-a-days only very few of them are available in the rural area of the country. Those fruits were easily available and accessible for almost all people so didn’t have commercial value because, in fact, nobody had to purchase most of those fruits from the market. Now those fruit trees have been replaced by few commercial timber trees like Mahogany, Acacia, Eucalyptus etc. Only very few of them are now available in the rural area.
The rural people never thought that these fruits are essentials for food security in terms of nutrition security for supplying essential vitamins & minerals. On the other hand, the open market economy has changed their mindset that the exotic fruits, which are full of poisons and very much costly, are very much nutritious and good for health. That’s why now-a-days the people feed their children & patients with these fruits for getting nutrition. As a result, these exotic fruits are now available even in the remote rural market throughout the country. The people are buying those fruits with very high price though those fruits are neither more nutritious nor fresh compared to the very cheap indigenous fruits.
The nutritional values of few indigenous and exotic fruits are presented in table-3 and the ranking of the fruits in terms of nutritional values is presented in table-4. The data presented in the table shows that many of the indigenous fruits contain much more different nutrient elements compared to the exotic fruits Apple, Grape & Orange. The table-4 shows that according to mineral contents the ranks of Grape, Apple & Orange are 12, 15 & 16 among the listed 17 fruits. The data also shows that in terms of calcium content the ranks of Grape, Orange and Apple are 8, 9 and 17 respectively among the listed 17 fruits while in terms of iron content the ranks of the three fruits are 12, 14 and 16 respectively. Therefore, it is obvious that many of the indigenous fruits contain more minerals compared to costly exotic fruits. On the other hand Grape, Orange & Apple contain very negligible amount of Vitamins while there are many indigenous fruits rich in vitamins. The data shows that the rank of Apple, Grape and Orange are 9, 10 & 11 in Vitamin-A content; 17, 6 & 15 in Vitamin-B-1 content; 17, 6 & 16 in Vitamin-B-2 content and 16, 11 & 9 in Vitamin-C content respectively. Therefore, it is also obvious that many of the indigenous fruits contain more Vitamin-A, B & C compared to costly exotic fruits. In terms of calorie content the ranks of Grape, Apple and orange are 3, 7 and 11 respectively.
Table-3: Nutritional Values of different indigenous and exotic fruits (per 100 g)
Name of Fruit |
Minerals
(g) |
Calcium (mg) |
Iron
(mg) |
Vit. A
(micro-g) |
Vit. B-1
(mg) |
Vit. B-2 (mg) |
Vit. C (mg) |
Calorie (Kcl) |
Apple |
0.2 |
6 |
0.08 |
54 |
0 |
0 |
4.6 |
52 |
Grape |
0.5 |
22 |
0.5 |
0 |
0.1 |
0.06 |
29 |
97 |
Orange |
0.1 |
22 |
0.3 |
0 |
0.04 |
0.01 |
40 |
43 |
Guava |
0.7 |
10 |
1.4 |
100 |
0.21 |
0.09 |
210 |
51 |
Mango |
0.4 |
16 |
1.3 |
8300 |
0.1 |
0.07 |
41 |
90 |
Jackfruit |
1.1 |
20 |
0.5 |
4700 |
0.11 |
0.15 |
21 |
48 |
Blackberry |
0.1 |
22 |
4.3 |
120 |
0.09 |
0.02 |
60 |
11 |
Papaya |
0.7 |
31 |
0.5 |
8100 |
0.08 |
0.03 |
57 |
42 |
Hogplum |
0.6 |
55 |
3.9 |
800 |
0.28 |
0.04 |
92 |
66 |
Pummelo |
0.3 |
37 |
0.2 |
120 |
0.06 |
0.04 |
105 |
38 |
Banana |
0.9 |
13 |
0.9 |
0 |
0.1 |
0.05 |
24 |
109 |
Ata |
0.9 |
17 |
1.5 |
0 |
0.07 |
0.14 |
38 |
90 |
Fig |
0.6 |
80 |
1.1 |
162 |
0.06 |
0.05 |
5 |
37 |
Bel |
0.9 |
38 |
0.6 |
0 |
0.8 |
0.03 |
0.02 |
9 |
Katbel |
2.2 |
59 |
0.6 |
0 |
0.8 |
0.03 |
13 |
49 |
Jujube |
1 |
11 |
0 |
0 |
0.02 |
0.05 |
51 |
104 |
Arbarai |
0.7 |
34 |
1.2 |
0 |
0.02 |
0.08 |
463 |
19 |
Source: http://www.ais.gov.bd/home/publication/nutrition-89.html
Table-4: Ranking of different indigenous and exotic fruits according to Nutritional Values
Rank |
Minerals
(g) |
Calcium
(mg) |
Iron
(mg) |
Vit. A
(micro-g) |
Vit. B-1
(mg) |
Vit. B-2 (mg) |
Vit. C
(mg) |
Calorie (Kcl) |
1 |
Katbel |
Fig |
Blackberry |
Mango |
Bel |
Jackfruit |
Arbarai |
Banana |
2 |
Jackfruit |
Katbel |
Hogplum |
Papaya |
Katbel |
Ata |
Guava |
Jujube |
3 |
Jujube |
Hogplum |
Ata |
Jackfruit |
Hogplum |
Guava |
Pummelo |
Grape |
4 |
Banana |
Bel |
Guava |
Hogplum |
Guava |
Arbarai |
Hogplum |
Mango |
5 |
Ata |
Pummelo |
Mango |
Fig |
Jackfruit |
Mango |
Blackberry |
Ata |
6 |
Bel |
Arbarai |
Arbarai |
Blackberry |
Grape |
Grape |
Papaya |
Hogplum |
7 |
Guava |
Papaya |
Fig |
Pummelo |
Mango |
Banana |
Jujube |
Apple |
8 |
Papaya |
Grape |
Banana |
Guava |
Banana |
Fig |
Mango |
Guava |
9 |
Arbarai |
Orange |
Katbel |
Apple |
Blackberry |
Jujube |
Orange |
Katbel |
10 |
Hogplum |
Blackberry |
Bel |
Grape |
Papaya |
Hogplum |
Ata |
Jackfruit |
11 |
Fig |
Jackfruit |
Papaya |
Orange |
Ata |
Pummelo |
Grape |
Orange |
12 |
Grape |
Ata |
Grape |
Banana |
Pummelo |
Papaya |
Banana |
Papaya |
13 |
Mango |
Mango |
Jackfruit |
Ata |
Fig |
Bel |
Jackfruit |
Pummelo |
14 |
Pummelo |
Banana |
Orange |
Bel |
Orange |
Katbel |
Katbel |
Fig |
15 |
Apple |
Jujube |
Pummelo |
Katbel |
Jujube |
Blackberry |
Fig |
Arbarai |
16 |
Orange |
Guava |
Apple |
Jujube |
Arbarai |
Orange |
Apple |
Blackberry |
17 |
Blackberry |
Apple |
Jujube |
Arbarai |
Apple |
Apple |
Bel |
Bel |
3.6 Dietary Pattern and Nutrition Issue
Consumption pattern of different food items by different categories of households based on land ownership in the study area is presented in table-5 and the requirement and actual intake of different food items nationwide and in the study area are presented in table-6. The data presented in the table shows that the peoples of the study area consume on an average 575 grams of food grains (mainly rice) per person per day while the Landless, Small & Marginal and Medium & Big households consume 567, 574 and 584 grams of food grains per person per day respectively. The data indicates that the consumption of food grains little vary among the household categories. The highest amount of food grains is consumed by Medium & Big households (567g per person per day) followed by Small & Marginal (574g per person per day) and landless (584g per person per day) households. It is important to note that all the households consume significant amount of potato (on an average 97g per person per day) which is also a carbohydrate containing food item. Therefore, cereals make up the largest share (64 percent excluding potato and 75 percent including potato) of the diet of the people of study area. It is obvious that the consumption of carbohydrate containing food items is too high (total 672g per person per day) compared to the actual requirement which is 490g per person per day proposed by National Council of Nutrition (NCN) and 397g according to FAO standard.
Table-5: Consumption of different food items by different classes of households.
Household Category |
Food grains |
Potato |
Fish |
Meat |
Egg |
Vegetables |
Dal |
Milk |
Landless household (hh) |
567 |
91 |
47 |
17 |
5 |
119 |
15 |
3 |
Small & Marginal hh |
574 |
96 |
38 |
11 |
6 |
123 |
18 |
5 |
Medium & Big hh |
584 |
104 |
70 |
26 |
0 |
134 |
17 |
11 |
Total |
575 |
97 |
52 |
18 |
4 |
125 |
17 |
6 |
Source: Field level data collected under the study.
Table-6: Requirement and Actual Intake of Different Food Items Nationwide and in the Study Area [Gram Per Capita Per Day]
Food item |
Requirement proposed by NCN |
Requirement FAO Standard |
Actual Intake According to FAO |
Actual Intake in study area |
Cereals (Rice, wheat etc.) |
490 |
397 |
536 |
575 |
Potato |
— |
— |
74 |
97 |
Fish |
45 |
26 |
41 |
52 |
Meat |
20 |
37 |
10 |
18 |
Egg |
14 |
— |
4 |
4 |
Dal |
30 |
74 |
13 |
17 |
Milk & milk products |
30 |
99 |
44 |
6 |
Vegetables |
235 |
342 |
154 |
125 |
Fruits |
50 |
44 |
34 |
– |
Total: |
914 |
1019 |
910 |
894 |
Sources: http://www.fao.org/ag/humannutrition/nutrition/en/; Rashid M. Mamunur (2003) and Field level data collected under the study
On the other hand, the data presented in the tables shows that the people of the study area consume on an average 52g of fish, 18g of meat, 4g of egg, 125g of vegetables, 17g of dal and 6g of milk per person per day. The consumption of fruits could not be calculated because fruits are only consumed during season when available. But, during study period no fruit consumption data was available. However, from the data it is interesting to note that the people of the study area still consume good amount of fish (52g per person per day) which is higher than the amount both proposed by National Council of Nutrition (NCN) and according to FAO standard. But, consumptions of other food items are much lower than the requirement as proposed by NCN and according to FAO standard. Most importantly, the consumptions of vegetables and dal are much lower that the requirement though vegetables are the major sources of vitamins & minerals and dal is the source of protein for the rural people of Bangladesh which are very much important for maintaining good health. The scarcity of vegetables and dal is not only reason behind such low consumption rather the lack of nutrition awareness is the root cause in this regards. If the peoples of the rural area are aware of their nutrition they can easily create many sources of vegetables even at their homestead without investing much money. Therefore, massive awareness campaign is a burning issue in order to ensure food and nutrition security of the rural people of Bangladesh.
3.7 Mal Practices and Superstitions in Eating Habit
It is already mentioned that the scarcity of food is considered to be the root cause of malnutrition of the people specially of rural poor people of Bangladesh which is not fully true. Rather, the lack of knowledge about food and nutrition is the root cause in this regard. There are various superstitions and malpractices in eating habit of the people of the country which making food security of the country almost unachievable. Some of the superstitions and mal practices in eating habit collected from the respondent of the study are presented below-
- Most of the people discard the water from boiled rice at the time of cooking because they are not aware that most of the nutritional value of rice specially the water soluble vitamins, minerals & starch are gone away from the rice with the discarded water. It is not a practice only in the rural area but also in the urban area among the educated people. Similar practice is found during cooking vegetables when the people discard the water come out from the vegetables during cooking.
- In fear of getting hum (one kind of skin disease) of the newly-borne baby the mother is not given any fish or meat up to 40 days after delivery.
- The pregnant woman is not given much nutritious food because of the fear that the size of the baby would be larger which would cause difficulties during delivery.
- The pregnant woman is not given egg of duck because the people believe that duck egg cause asthma of the baby.
- The pregnant woman is not given mrigel fish because of the fear that the baby will be attacked by epilepsy (locally called mrigi disease) disease.
- The pregnant women is not given fishes like hilsa, puti, boal, shrimp etc. and beef and some other protein based food because the people belief that these food cause puerperal sickness.
- Newly-borne baby is not given any solid food up to one year with a fear of getting diarrhea.
- Giving food is stopped when a child or anybody get diarrhea and fever.
- The rural people have a general belief that if a patient of diarrhea is given water to drink he will get cholera. Therefore, a patient of diarrhea is not given water to drink which is very much dangerous that even cause death of the patient.
- Modern women are not interested in breast-feeding for their fashion consciousness.
- In most of the cases the newly borne baby is not given Shal-dud (first breast milk) in a fear that the baby might cause diarrhea.
- The people belief that sugar, ghur, sweets etc. cause stomach worm and diabetes.
- The peoples believe that ripen banana and papaya cause cold of children.
- No fruits should be taken at night. No water should be taken after eating fruits.
- Taking much vegetables cause gastric disease.
- Taking milk after eating pineapple cause poisoning.
- Taking leafy vegetables cause swollen of stomach for the children.
- Taking unripe pineapple cause abortion.
- The women should take food after all the male members of the family have taken food.
- The male and aged person of the family or family head are given the most nutritious food compared to the women and children.
- On a special occasion or when a relative come to one’s house the people arrange different kind of fishes, meat, dal etc. in huge amount at a time all of which are protein containing costly foods. But, the other days they don’t take any protein containing food for many days.
3.8 Religious concept of food
Religious beliefs and myths have immense influence on traditional food culture of the country. Here only Muslim and Hindu religions have been considered because the peoples of other religions are not available in the study area. However, mythologically food is considered as gift of God for human being by both Hindus & Muslims. According to Islam religion food is called ‘Rizik’ given by Allah. There is a myth among Muslims that nobody can take food if Allah don’t allocate food (Rizik) for him or her. Therefore, according to Muslim myth everybody should respect food. If somebody don’t respect food then he will be deprived of food by Allah. Muslim myth also says that food should be taken when the body is net & clean i.e. holy. The Muslims have to say “Bismillah-hir-Rahmanur Rahim” (in the name of Allah the absolute kind) and at the end they have to say “Alhamdulillah” (grateful to Allah for giving food). Food should be taken with due respect. So, one should not talk with others during taking food.
On the other hand, according to Hindus myth Food is also as the gift of the God Laxmi. Food comes from vander (Storage) of Laxmi. So, every Thursday the Hindus Pray to Laxsmi with flowers (white flower like Belful) & Tulsi leaf for food. During prayer (Puja) they also offer food (different kind of sweets like Sandesh, Batasa, fruits etc.) to the God Laxmi. These foods are then distributed to the family members as Prasad so that they remain free from disease. The Hindus believe that if the God Laxmi becomes kind on someone, he will have plenty of food and wealth. According to Hidu myth the otithi (guest) is considered as representative of Narayana (God). That is if anybody comes to the house of a Hindu they treat him/her as representative of God. So, the guest has to be entertained with foods to make him/her satisfied. The guest will be entertained with his preferable foods. Just after arrival the guest is given ready foods like puffed rice, flattened rice, sweets, yogurt, fruits etc. which are available at home. If the guest stay for longer time then he/she is fed with his/her preferable foods.
There are some foods which are restricted in Hindu and Islam religion. The Hindus never eat beef because they consider cow as one of their Gods. But, they drink the milk of cows. The Hindus also do not eat onion and garlic in most of the cases specially during the period of puja (prayer by Hindus). Fish & meat are also prohibited during puja period in most of the cases. On the other hand, the Muslims never eat the meat of pig because it is prohibited in the religion Islam. Wines or such kind of hard drinks are also prohibited in Islam.
There are some religious practices like holy fasting (Ruja in Islam & Upabash in Hindu) in both Islam and Hindu religion when taking food is restricted. The practices might have significant influence on controlling eating habit of the people of Bangladesh. Because controlling eating habit is necessary for human being for maintaining good health. Because, by born human being is devoted to take more and more food. So, it is difficult for a human being to control its eating habit. For example, if the food is delicious naturally human being, specially the people of Bangladesh who have little consciousness about nutrition, can not abstain themselves from taking more food. Religious abstinence or holy fasting might be helpful for gaining self-control over the by-borne habit of taking more food i.e. more rice.
3.9 Bengali Food Festivals
Bangladesh is ethnically homogeneous, with Bengalis comprising 98% of the population. The majority of Bangladeshis (about 90%) are Muslims and a small number of Hindus, Christians and Buddhists are also living in the country. People of different religions perform their religious rituals with festivity in Bangladesh. All of these rituals form an integral part of the cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Bangladesh is a country of festival. “Thirteen Festivals in Twelve Months” is a well known proverb that indicates the intensity of festivals in the country. Most of the festivals are religious festivals observed by both Muslims & Hidus. There are also some festivals which are common Bengali festivals. Food is an integral part of the festivals. Various kinds of foods are prepared during the festivals that expose the traditional food culture of the country. The most common festivals and the integrated food culture are described below.
3.9.1 Muslim Festivals
3.9.1.1 Eid-ul-Fitre & Eid-ul-Adha
The Muslims observe two big festivals every year which are Eid-ul-Fitre & Eid-ul-Adha. Eid-ul-Fitre is observed on the 1st day of Shawal of the Islamic lunar calendar after one month of Ruja (holly fasting) during the month of Ramadan of the Islamic lunar calendar. On the other hand, Eid-ul-Adha is observed on 10th of Jilhaj of the Islamic lunar calendar. In both of the festivals the Muslims arrange different kind of foods according to their financial ability. The most important characteristics of Muslim festival is food with meat. The rich people eat huge amount of meat during the festival while the poor people also arrange some meat in any way. During the Eid-ul-Adha Kurbani (Sacrifice animals in the name of Allah) is a must to do for the financially able Muslim people. Mainly cows and often goat are slaughtered as Kurbani by almost every Muslim household except the very poor one. Therefore, there are huge amount of meat to eat at that time. According to Muslim religious law one-third of the meat have to be given to the poor relatives and neighbours. The meat of Kurbani is also exchanged among the relatives as a very common tradition. Therefore, during Eid-ul-Adha almost every Muslim household have some meat. Beside the meat different kinds of sweet items specially Semai are cooked. Different kinds of home made cake are also prepared. Polao, Kurma, Rejala are very common food during the Eid festivals.
3.9.1.2 Ruja (Holly fasting)
During the month of Ramadan the Muslims practice abstinence by taking no food or drinks during day time. Food is taken at the end of night within certain period of time before sunrise which is called Seheri. In seheri the Muslim people take food as they take in a common lunch or dinner. But, it is always tried to make the food rich and delicious based on the financial ability. In seheri rich people arrange different dishes of fish, meat, vegetables along with rice while the poor people often can’t arrange fish, meat who depend mainly on dal and vegetables. Then the whole day up to sunset no food even water is taken. Just after sunset they take food which is called iftar. The Muslim people arrange different kinds of foods in iftar based on the financial ability where Muri (puffed rice), Chira (flattened rice) are common. The rich people arrange Piaji (made of pulses), Beguni (made of brinjal), Chap (made of potato sometimes with egg), Chchola bhaja (boiled gram cooked with onion, garlic and other spices & condiments), salad, different kind of sweets, date & other fruits, sarbat (mixture of lemon juice, water and sugar) etc. in iftar. On the other hand, the poor people arrange panta, hotchpotch, puffed rice etc. as iftar. According to Muslim religion feeding anyone who is observing holy fasting with iftar is a matter of virtue. So, during the month of Ramadan many Muslim arrange iftar party. Iftar party is also arranged by political & nonpolitical parties, social organizations, business organizations, businessmen or individuals.
The 27th night of Ramadan is called shab-e-kadar. The Muslim arranges special sweet food, beef or mutton with bread of rice powder on the occasion. Feeding Mullah (religious leader or learned man) on the occasion is considered as a matter of virtue. Actually, during the whole moth of Ramadan, as the Muslims believe, feeding Mullah is a matter of virtue.
3.9.1.3 Akika
Akika is a religious obligation for the Muslim when the name of a Muslim child is declared. In this occasion cow or goat is slaughtered and a part of the meat is distributed among the neighbours & relatives. Many people specially the rich people arrange feeding ceremony on the occasion. In this ceremony the people arrange different delicious food like Polao, Kurma, Rejala, roast, sweets, yogurt, salad etc. for the guests.
3.9.1.4 Khatna (circumcision)
Khatna means cutting off the foreskin, according to Muslim and Jews religious law. Although there is no religious obligation to arrange any ceremony at the time of Khatna many people specially rich people arrange ceremony on the occasion and feed the relatives and surrounding people. On this occasion the people arrange different delicious food like Polao, Kurma, Rejala, roast, sweets, yogurt, salad etc.
3.9.1.5 Challisha
It is a common religious ritual of the Muslims which is held on occasion of death of a Muslim person. The ritual is arranged after 40 days of the death of a Muslim person. In Bengali language 40 means challish. So, the program is called Challisha. In this program the people feed specially the Mollas (the religious leaders), poor people or beggars and also the relatives and the community people based on the ability of the arranging family. On this occasion food is arranged based on the taste and ability of the arranging family but commonly the food is meat based. Plain rice and fish, beef and or mutton, vegetables are very common on the occasion. Some people also arrange Khichuri (hotchpotch). In that case the hotchpotch is cooked with mutton or beef which is called Bhuna khichuri.
3.9.1.6 Milad
Milad is another Muslim religious ceremony arranged on various occasions. The main objective of a Milad is to pray to Allah for something good. Different kind of foods are arranged in Milad but the sweet foods are very common. Among the sweets Jilapi, Batasa, Khir, Payesh are very commonly served in the Milad. In the Milad relatives & neighboring peoples are invited. But, the common and main invitees are Moulavi (Islamic educated people or religious leader).
3.9.1.7 Shab-e-barat
Shab-e-barat is observed on the night of 15th of Shaban of the Islamic lunar calendar. The preceding night is known as Laylatul Bara’ah or Shab-e-barat. On this occasion, traditionally the Muslims arrange different food items. The rich people arrange beef or mutton and bread (ruti) of rice powder while the poor people arrange halua & ruti. Different kinds of sweet items namely halua, suji, payesh, khir etc. are also arranged. Exchange of food is very common tradition on the occasion. The Muslim families send foods whatever they prepare to the neighbours’ house and also get foods from the neighbours vice-versa.
3.9.2. Hindu Festivals
Hidu religious festivals have some similarity with the Muslim festivals but there is also much dissimilarities. Among the similarities holy fasting (upabash) is a very common one. But, the Hindus observe holy fasting twice in every month which is called Ekadashi. Besides, the Hindus also observe holy fasting during many of their Puja (religious festival or prayer of Hindu). But, not all Hindus observe the holy fasting. Among the dissimilarities the most vital one is in case of food arrangement. For example, no fishes and meat are taken by Hindus during the period of any Puja. Mainly vegetarian foods are taken during Puja. The respondents of the study could not explain the reason behind the ritual. They just follow this as a religious obligation. But, now-a-days situation is little bit changing. Some people sometimes disobey this restriction but not in public. However, the common and vital Hindu festivals relevant to traditional food culture of Bengali are described below.
3.9.2.1 Durgapuja
It is the biggest religious festival of the Hindus. During this Puja the Hidus don’t take any fishes or meat for five days. They also don’t take any onion, garlic in their food during this period. During the Puja period they usually take flattened rice (chira), puffed rice (muri), murki (another kind of muri), coconut naru (small hard ball-like structure made with coconut) and different kind of sweets, yogurt etc. and vegetarian foods. During the Puja the Gods are feed with different kind of fruits and sweets including banana, milk, muri, chira, yogurt etc. which is called Prasad. This Prasad is then eaten by all. After the end of the Puja all kind of foods including fishes and meat are eaten. On occasion of this Puja the Hidus invite relatives and community peoples each other and feed with different kind of delicious foods.
3.9.2.2 Basanti/Kartika/Kaittani Puja
This Puja is similar to Durgapuja but only held in town or big bazaar or within greater community.
3.9.2.3 Rash Puja (Rash Utsab/Rash Mela)
This is big Hindu religious festival continue for seven days. During this Puja big fair & Jatra Pala (one kind of cultural event) are arranged in the place of Puja. Individual family don’t arrange anything during this Puja. The people go to fair and enjoy themselves and purchase many things from the fair including different kind of sweet food which are distributed among the family members and community people.
3.9.2.4 Kali puja
This is a day long puja. During this puja no fishes and meat and even no food is taken for 24 hours. They take food at preceding night of the day of puja. Then the whole day and night they take no food and even they can not sleep. Then the next day they can take food as usual. In the next day morning they break their fasting by taking Prasad of sweets. Then they can take food going back to home from Mandir (Prayer place/house for Hindu). At this time in the morning they generally take Luchi (one kind of small bread fried in oil) & sweets when fasting is over. Then they are allowed to take all kind of foods including fish and meat.
3.9.2.5 Swarasati puja
This is also a day long puja. During this puja all foods are allowed except fishes and meat. The common foods in this puja as Prasad are sweets, fruits, chira, muri, murki etc. Generally, this puja is held with the fruit jujube. So, before this puja no Hindu take jujube fruit.
3.9.2.6 Ashwini/Gashi puja
This puja is quite similar to the Swarasati puja. Like Swarasati puja all foods are allowed except fishes and meat during this puja. The common foods in this puja as Prasad are sweets, fruits, chira, muri, murki etc.
3.9.2.7 Manasha puja
This puja is quite similar to kali puja but the fasting (in Bengali upabash) in this puja is little relaxed and shorter. In this puja food is taken at the preceding night and then the whole day is upabash. Then the puja is held at afternoon. Food is taken as usual after finishing of the puja.
3.9.2.8 Ekadashi puja
Like the Ruja of the Muslim the Hindus observe upabash twice in every month based on the lunar calendar. In this puja food is taken at the preceding night and then the whole day is upabash. During upabash no cooked food can be taken including chira, muri but fruits, non-cooked sweets, water etc. can be taken. In the next day morning food is taken as usual including fish and meat. It is to mention here that there is another kind of Ekadashi which is called Nirjala Ekadashi because no food even water can be taken during such upabash.
3.9.2.9 Basanti puja (Chaitra puja)
This puja is also similar to Durgapuja that continues for five days but the festival is not as gorgeous as Durgapuja. The arrangement of food in this puja also similar to the Durgapuja.
3.9.2.10 Chaitra snakranti
This puja is held at the end of Bangla month Chaitra. During the last seven days of Chaitra no rice is taken, only different kind of fruits are taken. After seven days Patha (He goat) is slaughtered in the name of God Kali like Kurbani of the Muslim during Eid-ul-Adha. This is done only by them who are previously committed to do i.e. all Hindus are not bound to do so. Then the meat of goat is distributed to all the neighbouring people who like to take.
3.9.2.11 Janmastami
The birth day of the Hindu God Shrikrishna is called Janmastami. It is observed in the Bangla month of Bhadra according to Bengali Almanac. On the occasion every household prepare pitha (home made cake) with palm juice. Other sweet food like khir, payesh etc. are also prepared. Different kind of pithas are also prepared. Hotchpotch is also a common food on the occasion. The Hindu people invite neighboring people and relatives and feed with aforesaid foods on the occasion.
3.9.2.12 Namjagga
This an occasional program of the Hindu community where prayer is done through special kind of music which is called Kirtan. The program is organized community based where Hindu community people take part. The program continues for five days. The organizers generally arrange hotchpotch on the occasion and feed the gathered people for five days.
There are also some more puja of the Hindu community such as Charak puja, Bhrahma puja, Shithala Puja, Jagadatri puja, Shama puja, Shib Puja etc. but those are not much commonly observed. Besides, there are some other festivals observed by the Hindu community which is described below.
3.9.2.13 Annaprashan
In Bengali language ‘Anna’ means boiled rice (Bhat) and ‘Prashan’ means eating or feeding. Annaprashan is arranged when a child take Bhat for the first time in its life at the age of five months for the boy and seven month for the girl. It was asked to the respondents of the study why the girls are late in this case. In response the people said that the girls are late may be because one day after marriage the girl will go to husband’s home or new home where they will have to take food at last after all the family members have taken food. So, the practice of taking food in late is started from very childhood for the girl. However, the respondents also informed that even few years back no birth day were observed in the rural area. But, Now-a-days birth day is celebrated in many houses.
3.9.2.14 Satsangha
This program is just like Milad of the Muslims. In this program the Hindus feed thakore (religious leader) and community people with mainly vegetarian foods, different kind of sweets, yogurt etc.
3.9.2.15 Shradhdha (Gyatibhoj)
This is just like Challisha of the Muslims. After death of any of the parent the sons and daughters of the departed soul don’t eat any fish, meat or any protein containing food up to 13 days after death. After that time they feed people relatives and community people with different food items including meat & fishes.
3.9.3 Some Common Bengali Festivals
3.9.3.1 Nabanna (New Crop)
Nabanna is a Bengali harvest celebration usually celebrated with food and dance and music. It is one of the numerous festivals that established the proverb “baro mase tero parban” (thirteen festivals in twelve months ) to the land of Bengal. The villagers and local people from both the major religious groups join the festival with equal participation. The festival is celebrated with fair (in Bengali mela) which is called nabanna mela. The fair is held at a central place of the surrounding villages generally near the rural market. People from several villages come to enjoy the fair. The rural cultural programs like Baul song, Jatra, Kabi-gaan etc. are held in the fair specially at night time. Thousands of people both male & female observe the cultural program.
It’s a festival of food; many local preparations of Bengali cuisine like pithas (hand-made cakes) are cooked and offered to the relatives and neighbouring people. During the festival various kinds of home-made pithas are prepared with newly harvested rice almost in every household of the rural area. Different kinds of sweet food items specially payesh are also prepared on the occasion. However, it is unfortunate to say that now-a-days such festivals are being disappeared from the rural Bangladesh due mainly to aggression of corporate agriculture and corporate culture.
3.9.3.2 Nababarsha
Bengali New Year or Pohela Boishakh occurring generally on 14th of April, is the first day of the Bengali calendar, celebrated in both Bangladesh and Indian state of West Bengal, and in Bengali communities in the other Indian states like : Assam, Tripura, Jharkhand and Orissa and all over India as well where the Bengali community arises. It coincides with the New Year’s Days of numerous Southern Asian calendars. Pohela Boishakh connects all ethnic Bengalis irrespective of religious and regional differences. In Bangladesh, it is a national holiday.
In Bengali, Pohela stands for ‘first’ and Boishakh is first month of Bengali calendar. The festival is celebrated according to the Bengali Calendar. Bangla New Year’s festivities are closely linked with rural life in Bengal. Usually on Pohela Boishakh, the home is thoroughly scrubbed and cleaned; people bathe early in the morning and dress in traditional clothes. They spend much time of the day visiting relatives, friends and neighbours. Special foods are prepared to entertain guests. This is one rural festival that has become enormously big in the cities, especially in Dhaka.
Boishakhi fairs are arranged in many parts of the country. Various agricultural products, traditional handicrafts, toys, cosmetics, as well as various kinds of food and sweets are sold at these fairs. The fairs also provide entertainment, with singers and dancers staging jatra (traditional plays), pala gan, kobigan, jarigan, gambhira gan, gazir gan and alkap gan. They present folk songs as well as baul, marfati, murshidi and bhatiali songs. Narrative plays like Laila-Majnu, Yusuf-Zulekha and Radha-Krishna are staged. Among other attractions of these fairs are puppet shows and merry-go-rounds. Panta Ilish – a traditional platter of leftover rice soaked in water with fried Hilsa, supplemented with dried fish (Shutki), pickles (Achar), lentils (dal), green chillies and onion – a popular dish for the Pohela Boishakh.
Pohela Boishakh celebrations also mark a day of cultural unity without distinction between class or religious affiliations. Of the major holidays celebrated in Bangladesh, only Pohela Boishakh comes without any preexisting expectations (specific religious identity, culture of gift-giving, etc.). Unlike holidays like Eid ul-Fitr, where dressing up in lavish clothes has become a norm, or Christmas where exchanging gifts has become an integral part of the holiday, Pohela Boishakh is really about celebrating the simpler, rural roots of the Bengal. As a result, more people can participate in the festivities together without the burden of having to reveal one’s class, religion, or financial capacity.
3.9.3.3 Paus Parban
Paus Parban is an annual fair and festival that takes place in rural area of Bangladesh and also in the townships marking the harvest season in the Bengali month of poush. In this festival the people prepare different kind of pithas with new rice. The pithas are exchanged within the relatives and the community people. The Hindus community observe Pushuria Puja on the 7th of Paush (around 21st of December) with new rice.
3.9.3.4 Marriage
Marriage is a common festival for the people of all religions. Big ceremony is arranged on the occasion of marriage specially by the rich people. The poor people arrange the ceremony in a small scale. Arranging delicious food is a vital component of an marriage ceremony. The weeding party is arranged both at the house of bride and bridegroom. On the occasion the relatives and the surrounding people of the community are invited. Different kinds of delicious foods are arranged based on the financial ability of the inviting families. It is always tried to satisfy the invitees with delicious foods. The peoples specially the Muslim peoples prefer meat based delicious items. In this occasion the Muslim people arrange different delicious food like Polao, Kurma, Rejala, roast, fish, vegetables, sweets, yogurt, salad etc. On the other hand, the Hidus generally don’t offer any fish or meat items in the weeding party. But, the situation has been changed. Now-a-days the Hindus also arrange fish or meat items in the weeding party.
- Discriminatory Food Culture
There are many discriminatory elements in traditional food culture of Bangladesh. Woman is one of the worst victims of such discriminations. The discrimination is started from the very childhood for a woman as mentioned in the description of Annaprashan. In Annaprashan of Hidus the girl child is given bhat for the first time later than a boy child. Although Annaprashan is a Hidu ritual but such discrimination is observed in case of all religious sections of people in the country. If a woman takes more food she is treated as a bad woman in the family and the society. So, irrespective of religion the girls are taught to take less food compared to the male counterpart from the very childhood. This learning is applied throughout the life of a woman. Although the women cook or prepare food in the family they are not allowed to take food before the male members of the family. The women have to wait at home with food until the male members have returned home even in late. The males first take the best portion of the foods arranged in a family. The women eat whatever food is left after taken by the male members of the family. In the poor families where food is not abundant the women often do not get enough food to eat. Such discrimination is occurred even at the time of pregnancy that badly affect on the baby. As a result, the women often suffer from malnutrition and different types of health hazards.
Traditionally, women are depended on men for their food. The dependency is socially recognized through marriage. Traditionally, Bengali woman goes to the husband’s house after marriage. In rural area of Bangladesh marriage is synonymous to ‘Eating Bhat’ of husband. According to the contract of marriage husband is responsible for ensuring food for his wife. Therefore, the male always remains in dominating position over the female. It is a common feature in the rural area specially in the poor and farmer families. The situation prevails still today even in the urban area while situation is little changed specially in the families where the women are also earning members.
The treatment of Hindu widows has always been very repressive. Tradition ties a woman’s identity with her husband; a widow is therefore left without an identity or social standing. Bengal was particularly repressive in this regard; widows were either banished or led very monastic lives within the household, living under rigid dietary restrictions and not allowed any interests but religion and housework. While most Bengali castes ate meat and fish, this was of course barred for widows. Widows also did not use “heating” foods such as onions and garlic, but ginger was allowed – this found a core place in Bengali curries, both vegetarian and non-vegetarian.
The Hindus maintain class differences in taking food. The upper class Hidus never take food with a lower class Hidus. They even never allow a lower class Hindu to enter into their kitchen and touch any cooking & eating utensils. This traditional superstition is very much deep rooted in case of upper class Hindus. On the other hand, any Hindus never allow a Muslim irrespective of classes to enter into their kitchen and touch any cooking and eating utensils.
- Changes in Traditional Food Culture
Changes in agricultural production system governing the traditional food culture of the country. Exotic hybrid rice, exotic broiler chicken and exotic fishes eg. thai pungas, telapia, silver carp, bighead, japani puti etc. have replaced the traditional rice, chicken and fishes respectively. Exotic fruits eg. grape, apple, orange etc. and exotic vegetables eg. Cabbage, cauliflower, knolkhol and different kinds of hybrid vegetables have also replaced the traditional fruits and vegetables of the country. Now a days all the crops, fishes, chicken are being produced on commercial basis. Therefore, a commercial approach in food culture of the country has been taken place. Once upon a time when subsistence agriculture prevailed in the country, the people in the rural area used to produce most of food crops, chicken, fishes mainly for their own family consumption. The surplus products were distributed or exchanged among the relatives and neighbours that contributed a lot in keeping social harmony and fellow feeling. The people entertained their relatives with diversity of foods including fish, meat, eggs, milk & milk products, different kinds of fruits, vegetables etc. Entertaining relatives and neighbours was as integral part of the culture of the Bangladeshi people specially in the rural area. Almost in every family there were arrangement of different readymade food items specially puffed rice, flattened rice, ghur (molasses), different kinds of pithas and other food items for entertaining the guest. If anybody went to ones house he would never come back without eating something. But, at present the situation has drastically been changed. Now, most of the people are depended on market for their foods. So, the traditional practices of exchanging foods and entertaining guests, relatives and neighbours has drastically been reduced.
Industrialization of agriculture has also changed many traditional practices of food culture of the country. With the introduction of food processing industries many of the traditional home-made food items have been being disappeared. It has also changed the mindset of the people. The processed food like Biscuits, Chanachur, noddles have been reached into the house of remote rural area of the country. Different kind of beverages eg. Pepsi, Coca-Cola, Mirinda, Fanta, 7-up, Tiger, Speed etc. are available even in the small shop of a remote village. Now, these foods have become the symbol of aristocracy and modernism. Now, the people entertain the guests with the industrially produced junk foods or fast foods.
With the aggression of western culture traditional food culture is going to be changed rapidly and drastically which is a great threat for the thousands’ years old rich Bengali culture of the country. Observation of different festivals are decreasing as individualism is being wide-speared among the people. The well-known proverb “Thirteen festivals in twelve month” is going to be mismatched for the country. Now a days the rural people look for their joy and happiness on the TV screen of a rural tea stall where western culture influenced Hindi, Bangla or even English movies are played throughout the day & night. The rural people watch those hours after hours sipping into the cup of hot tea. As a result, social interaction and harmony among the people is being reduced.
- Conclusion
Bangladesh has got a very rich traditional food culture consist of an amazing blend of spices, rice, fish and sweets. Few decades ago, though there was scarcity of food grains or rice but the people could eat plenty of indigenous natural fishes, fruits and vegetables that contributed a lot in ensuring food & nutrition security of the people. But, due to advent of corporate agriculture these indigenous sources of food have almost been disappeared. At present, the peoples have become dependent on market for most of their foods which are not only costly but also full of poisonous substances through which food security can’t be ensured. Corporate agriculture has also changed the mindset of the peoples who have started to believe that the costly exotic & corporate food are much nutritious & good for health. On the other hand, the typical rural diet in Bangladesh is reportedly not well balanced that can’t ensure food and nutrition security of the people. The traditional food culture of the country has got both good and bad elements. The people have various malpractices and superstitions in food preparation & eating habit which are also barrier for ensuring food security of the country. Therefore, the good elements should be retained and restored while the bad elements should be removed. Proper nutrition education as well as mass awareness on nutrition and balanced diet are must needed for ensuring food and nutrition security of the people of Bangladesh. The women should be prioritized in this regard as they are key actors in preparation of food for the family members.
References
- Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey, 2000.
- Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 2004.
- Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics/United Nations Children’s Fund, 2004.
- BBS. 1989/90. Child Nutrition Surveys. Dhaka, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics.
- BBS (2007) Report of the HIES 2005; HIES 2010
- Helen Keller International/IPHN, 2004.
- http://www.fao.org/ag/humannutrition/nutrition/en/
- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladeshi_cuisine/
- http://www.ais.gov.bd/home/publication/nutrition-89.html
- Jahan, K. & Hossain, M. 1998. Nature and extent of malnutrition in Bangladesh, Bangladesh National Nutrition Survey, 1995–1998. Dhaka, Institute of Nutrition and Food Science, Dhaka University, Bangladesh.
- Lalita Bhattacharjee, Sanjib Kumar Saha & Biplab K. Nandi Food-Based Nutrition Strategies in Bangladesh http://www.fao.org/docrep/010/ag126e/ag126e00.htm
- National Food Policy Plan of Action 2008-2015. Food Planning and Monitoring Unit (FPMU), Ministry of Food and Disaster Management, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. P. xiii.
- Rashid M. Mamunur (2003). Moulic Pusti Parichiti (Fundamentals of Nutrition). Bangla Academy, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
- UNICEF, 1998.
- World Bank. 2005. Maintaining Momentum to 2015? An impact evaluation of interventions to improve maternal and child health and nutrition in Bangladesh. Washington, The World Bank.
by শহীদুল ইসলাম | Mar 18, 2025 | প্রকৃতি কথা
Introduction
With a total population of approximately 150 million living in an area of 147,570 square kilometers, Bangladesh has predominantly an agrarian economy. Agriculture is the single largest production sector of the economy employs around 52% of the total labour force though it contributes around 20% of the country’s GDP and earns about 14% of foreign currency (BER, 2010). Only three decades ago the lion share of the GDP used to come from agriculture. In 1971-72 the contribution of agriculture to GDP was about 50% while the contribution of industry & service sector was only 14% & 36% respectively. But, in 2009-10 the contribution of agriculture has gone down to 20% while the contribution of industry and service sector has gone up to 30% and 50% respectively. This scenario doesn’t indicate the diminishing importance of agriculture for the development of the country but unveils the negligence or lack of foresight of the national policy makers towards agriculture over last four decades though, still today, the performance of this sector has an overwhelming impact on major macroeconomic objectives like employment generation, poverty alleviation, food security etc. of the country that seems to be understood again by the present government. As a result, agriculture is getting back its importance to the policy makers to some extent.
The truth of the above statement is supported by the decisions of previous governments to lock out agro-based industries of the country one after another. When the agriculture of the country, in fact, is getting the shape of industrial agriculture and when it is necessary to establish new agro-based industries for reinforcing economic growth of the country the policy makers were eager to demolish few agro-based industries of the country like jute and sugar. Instead of controlling reckless corruption of the top management and solving other problems to make the industries profitable the governments were enthusiastic to follow the structural adjustment prescription imposed by the WB, IMF and ADB to dig grave for these industries resulting in lock out of the many jute mills including Adamji the biggest jute mill of Asia. It is piteous to mention here that when WB provided us loan to lock out our jute mills at the same time it provided loan to India to establish new jute mills. On the other hand, we import huge amount of sugar from abroad when our sugar mills are struggling for survival. On the other hand, although the readymade garments industry is our number one export industry, we have been failed to establish backward linkage with our cotton farming that could contribute significantly to our GDP. As a result, cultivation of Jute, Cotton and Sugarcane, three major cash crops of the country, is being declined day by day.
In early sixties, green revolution technology based agricultural production system was introduced with a commitment of ensuring food self-sufficiency for the ever-increasing population of the country. It is true that this agricultural production system and prescribed technologies have significantly increased the production of food grain but is has altered the whole traditional production system of the country giving rise to a commercial form of agriculture from its subsistence nature. Such transformation has caused various types of social, economic, cultural, health, ecological, and environmental impacts as well as affected the livelihood of the small, marginal and landless farmers of the country.
The corporation is grasping the whole agricultural production system of the country with support from trade liberalization policies like AoA and TRIPS of WTO which is a big challenge for our small, marginal and landless farmers in terms of their survival in the global market competition. Moreover, food security and climate change have become two big challenges for recent years. It is therefore, essential to rethink about the mode of production/production system of the country to face the emerging challenges, most importantly for the survival of small, marginal and landless farmers who constitutes about 88% of the farmer community of the country. The objective of this fact sheet is to see insight of the whole situation of the agriculture of Bangladesh from farmers’ perspectives and find out alternatives of corporate agriculture.
Major Concerns for the agriculture of Bangladesh
The agriculture of Bangladesh has been facing varieties of challenges. It will be disastrous for achieving development goal of the country if she fails to face the challenges with firm consistent. The most important challenges are discussed below.
- Decreasing Agricultural Land & Increasing Population
There is no doubt that the biggest challenge for the agriculture of Bangladesh is to feed her ever-increasing population by the increasing production from the available cultivable land which is reported to be decreased at a rate of about 1 % per year (Draft NAP 2011). This trend indicates that there will be no cultivable land within next hundred years until and unless agricultural land is protected by legislation. Adoption of land use planning and crop zoning have been discussed for half a century, but nobody undertakes this basic task and protects productive land through adopting effective legislation. Reckless grabbing of agricultural land is visible everywhere of the country though the government adopted a Land use policy in 2001 without any legislative measures to implement it. It is matter of hope that the present government is going to formulate law to protect agricultural land from using as non-agricultural purposes though it’s implication is far-reaching. However, immediate & effective actions must be taken to protect agricultural land for ensuring food security of the country as well as livelihood security of the farmers who constitute majority portion of her population. On the other hand, population control is another burning issue for a country like Bangladesh which is suffering from huge burden of population and resource scarcity.
2. Food security
Table-1: Food grain production & requirement in Bangladesh |
Figure in lakh(000000) metric ton |
Fiscal
Year |
Production |
Import |
Food Aid |
Total Availability |
Total Requirement |
Production Surplus |
Total Surplus |
1999-00 |
221.3 |
12.3 |
8.7 |
242.3 |
214.9 |
6.4 |
27.4 |
2000-01 |
237.9 |
10.6 |
4.9 |
253.4 |
217.7 |
20.2 |
35.7 |
2001-02 |
230.6 |
12.9 |
5.1 |
248.6 |
220.9 |
9.7 |
27.7 |
2002-03 |
268.7 |
29.7 |
2.5 |
300.9 |
223.5 |
45.2 |
77.4 |
2003-04 |
276.4 |
25.0 |
2.9 |
304.3 |
225.5 |
50.9 |
78.8 |
2004-05 |
264.9 |
30.9 |
2.9 |
298.7 |
228.6 |
36.3 |
70.1 |
2005-06 |
277.9 |
22.7 |
1.9 |
302.5 |
230.3 |
47.6 |
72.2 |
2006-07 |
289.4 |
23.3 |
0.9 |
313.6 |
233.6 |
55.8 |
80.0 |
2007-08 |
311.2 |
32.0 |
2.5 |
345.7 |
236.9 |
74.3 |
108.8 |
2008-09 |
329.0 |
29.0 |
1.2 |
359.2 |
241.7 |
87.3 |
117.5 |
2009-10 |
341.1 |
34.5 |
0.08 |
375.7 |
245.2 |
95.9 |
130.48 |
2010-11 |
370.4* |
30.0 |
1.5 |
401.9 |
247.4 |
123.0 |
154.5 |
* target estimated by DAE.
Source: Bangladesh Economic Review 2011 and Handbook of Agricultural Statistics, 2007 |
Ensuring food security of all the people is a great concern for the agriculture of the country. In early sixties, green revolution technology based agricultural production system was introduced in the country with a commitment of ensuring food self-sufficiency for the ever-increasing population of the country. Green revolution technology-based chemical agriculture has indeed achieved substantial progress in boosting up production of food grains but the food security of mass people is yet far-reaching. As a consignee, Bangladesh accepted the definition of food security given by FAO in World Food Summit 1996, which is “Food Security exists when all people at all times have physical and economic excess to sufficient Safe and Nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”. But, very unfortunately, the policy makers of the country translate food security mainly as boosting up production of food grains and deploying their all-out efforts to promote chemical agriculture in order to achieve the goal of ensuring food security.
But, the statistics regarding food (though food grain only) production & requirement give us very much interesting messages. The food grain production & requirement in Bangladesh is shown in table-1.
The data presented in the table-1 indicates that Bangladesh is a food surplus country since 1999-2000 fiscal year which was a food deficit country before that period. But, very surprisingly Bangladesh is a net food importing country till today. It is to mention here that the projected requirement in 2050 is 377.9 lakh metric tons (calculated by the author from the presented data) which reveals that present production of food grains is sufficient upto the year 2050. That means if the present yield and level of production could be maintained that will be enough to supply required food grains upto the year 2050. Moreover, we have got the yield potentials of our existing HYVs of rice. The research shows that there is a big yield gap between research field and farmers field due mainly to the lack of proper crop management capacity of our farmers. Another research reveals that the production could be increased upto 20% if only quality seeds could be ensured. So, if these two areas could be improved then production could be increased substantially. In the mean time we can improve the capacity of our research institutions to develop our own hybrid and even GM varieties if they get sufficient back up support. Therefore, we don’t need to be depended on exotic hybrid seeds which is not only threat for our ecology and environment but also great threat for our agriculture as a whole because if we are depended on external sources for our seeds and suddenly the supply is stopped then such dependency could throw us into immense trouble. However, the above figures bring many vital questions in front.
Firstly, why Bangladesh is not exporting food grains rather importing increasing amount of food grains every year?
Secondly, why the availability of food is always a panic in the country which went to a peak during 2008 while the supply of food grain in the same year was a surplus of 117.5 lakh metric ton?
Thirdly, why the consumers have been suffering a lot due to reckless price hike of food grains since many years where the government seems to be helpless to control the price?
Fourthly, why the government is so much eager to boost up the production of food grain by any means like promoting hybrid varieties that requires more poisonous chemicals?
Fifthly, why around 40% poor people of the country can’t afford minimum food for their dietary requirement?
The answer lies within the unfair and unjust distribution system of food prevailing in the country. It is undoubtedly true that only ensuring sufficient supply of food can’t ensure food security which is also recognized by the WB study. But unfortunately, the WB policy makers looking for the solution of this problem into increasing the purchasing power of the people. As a solution they are promoting micro credit mainly to make money available to the poor people to come to the market as consumers though we have already seen the struggle of consumers when supply is even adequate in the market. For better understanding of our food security constraints the global food security paradigm should be realized.
Contrary to the 18th century warnings of Thomas Malthus and his modern followers, study after study shows that global food production has consistently outstripped population growth, and that there is more than enough food to feed everyone. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, enough food is produced in the world to provide over 2800 calories a day to everyone – substantially more than the minimum required for good health, and about 18% more calories per person than in the 1960s, despite a significant increase in total population (Mousseau, 2005)
Despite that, the most commonly proposed solution to world hunger is new technology to increase food production. The Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa, funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation, aims to develop “more productive and resilient varieties of Africa’s major food crops to enable Africa’s small-scale farmers to produce larger, more diverse and reliable harvests” (AGRA, 2008).
Similarly, the Manila-based International Rice Research Institute has initiated a public-private partnership “to increase rice production across Asia via the accelerated development and introduction of hybrid rice technologies” (IRRI, 2008). And the president of the WB promises to help developing countries gain “access to technology and science to boost yields” (WB, 2008).
Scientific research is vitally important to the development of agriculture, but initiatives that assume in advance that new seeds and chemicals are needed are neither credible nor truly scientific. The fact that there is already enough food to feed the world shows that the food crisis is not a technical problem – it is a social and political problem. Rather than asking how to increase production, our first question should be why, when so much food is available, are over 850 million people hungry and malnourished? Why do 18,000 children die of hunger every day? Why can’t the global food industry feed the hungry? The answer can be stated in one sentence. The global food industry is not organized to feed the hungry; it is organized to generate profits for corporate agribusiness.
The agribusiness giants are achieving that objective very well indeed. This year, agribusiness profits are soaring above last year’s levels, while hungry people from Haiti to Egypt to Senegal were taking to the streets to protest rising food prices. These figures are for just three months at the beginning of 2008. Grain Trading: Archer Daniels Midland (ADM). Gross profit: $1.15 billion, up 55% from last year; Cargill: Net earnings: $1.03 billion, up 86% Bunge. Consolidated gross profit: $867 million, up 189%. Seeds & herbicides; Monsanto– Gross profit: $2.23 billion, up 54%. Dupont Agriculture and Nutrition. Pre-tax operating income: $786 million, up 21%. Fertilizer Potash Corporation. Net income: $66 million, up 185.9%; Mosaic. Net earnings: $520.8 million, up more than 1,200% (Hattingh, 2008).
The companies listed above, plus a few more, are the monopoly or near-monopoly buyers and sellers of agricultural products around the world. Six companies control 85% of the world trade in grain; three control 83% of cocoa; three control 80% of the banana trade (Hattingh, 2008). ADM, Cargill and Bunge effectively control the world’s corn, which means that they alone decide how much of each year’s crop goes to make biofuel, sweeteners, animal feed or human food.
As the editors of Hungry for Profit write, “The enormous power exerted by the largest agribusiness/food corporations allows them essentially to control the cost of their raw materials purchased from farmers while at the same time keeping prices of food to the general public at high enough levels to ensure large profits” (Magdoff, 2000).
Over the past three decades, transnational agribusiness companies have engineered a massive restructuring of global agriculture. Directly through their own market power and indirectly through governments and the WB, IMF and World Trade Organization, they have changed the way food is grown and distributed around the world. The changes have had wonderful effects on their profits, while simultaneously making global hunger worse and food crises inevitable.
However, food production, consumption and exchange should be a life affirming process, ensuring the metabolic interaction between human communities and the nature. Food should be escaped from the clutches of global market players and from their endless urge of accumulation and self-expansion to whom food is simply a tool to make profit. Resisting the ideology of food as merely commodity for consumption and trade but it is critical to ensure collective command and control of the community over the conditions of food production and distribution as well as food itself. Further the resistance is to reclaim as nourishment and joy as a gift of nature to be shared with all in order to build relations among communities. The sharing will have to take place not only between the human beings but within all live forms. So, many politically conscious farmers, NGOs and social movements active in agriculture, food, nutrition and other relevant areas including various disciplines of science and technologies are proposing “Food Sovereignty” in place of food security. For example, LaVia Campesina an Europe based farmer organization define “Food sovereignty is the right of each nation to maintain and develop their own capacity to produce foods that are crucial to national and community food security, respecting cultural diversity and diversity of production methods.” (Via Campesina -1996).
3. Climate Change
Climate change is another grave concern for the agriculture of the country. Climate change will have a massive impact on food production and may jeopardize food security in Bangladesh. All the previous Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) impact assessments recognized Bangladesh as one of the most susceptible to the negative impacts of climate change. Given the contribution of agriculture to the livelihoods of general people of the country and its dependence on climate regime, any significant change in climate regime can have far reaching impacts on the overall socio-economic system of Bangladesh.
Agricultural crop of Bangladesh is influenced by seasonal characteristics and different variables of climate such as temperature, rainfall, humidity, day-length etc. It is also often constrained by different disasters such as floods, droughts, soil and water salinity, cyclone and storm surges. Increasing trend of insect occurrence & disease infestation induced by climate change is another threat for Bangladesh agriculture. Several studies indicated that climate is changing and becoming more unpredictable every year in Bangladesh. Its variability extreme weather events are being experienced more frequently than ever before. Hazards like floods, droughts, cyclones and salinity intrusion are likely to be aggravated by climate change and sea level rise. Flood and water logging in the central region, flash-flood in the northeast region, drought in the northwest and southwest region, and salinity intrusion and coastal inundation in the coastal regional would be a more acute problem in future. All of these will have an extra bearing on the agriculture sector.
Different models predict different level of impacts for yield reduction under different climate change scenarios. The GFDL model predicted about 17 % decline in overall rice production for Bangladesh and as high as 61% decline in wheat production under 4 degree changes in temperature. The highest impact would be on wheat followed by rice (Aus variety). Of the three varieties of rice grown in Bangladesh, the Aus rice (grown during the summer, monsoon period under rain-fed conditions) seems to be the most vulnerable. The Canadian Climate Change Model (CCCM) also predicted a significant fall in food-grain production.
Extreme temperature due to climate change would affect livestock. High temperature would affects livestock in a number of ways: causes great discomfort as in the case of human, decreases feed intake and alters nutrient metabolism leading to high loss of energy and thirdly the combined effects of discomfort and nutrient metabolism reduces their productivity, resulting in financial loss of the farmers. Apart from extreme temperature, natural disasters such as cyclone and tidal surge as mentioned above, cause immense loss and sufferings to livestock through destruction of forage crops as well as housing.
4. Soil Fertility Depletion
The well-known proverb that “the soil of Bangladesh is more pure than the pure gold” which was used to describe the fertility status of the soil of Bangladesh, is no more applicable because soil fertility status has seriously been depleted. The definition of soil fertility is the ability of soil to supply all essential nutrient elements for optimum crop production in an adequate quantities and available forms. But, so far at least six, out of thirteen essential nutrient elements that plant uptake from soil, are found moderate to severely deficient in the soil of Bangladesh which are being used as synthetic fertilizers. The use of chemical fertilizers is shown in figure-1. 
The figure shows that until the decade of 90s the use of chemical fertilizers was not so high which was very rapidly increased about five times during the period of 1985 (640 MT) to 1995 (3049 MT) and since then it is increasing rapidly. This repaid increase is the drastic liberalization of agricultural trade by the then military government who implemented the structural adjustment policy of WB in a wholesale manner. The figure also shows that the use of chemical fertilizers has been increased 12 times from 350 MT to 4250 MT within only last three decades from 1980 to 2011.
Hand book of Agricultural Statistics 2007 also shows that next to Korea (379 kg/ha), Japan (282 kg/ha) and China (225 kg/ha) fertilizer consumption in Bangladesh is the highest among the Asian countries. Even in the neighboring country India (102 kg/ha) it is much lower than that of Bangladesh (159 kg/ha). However, excessive use of chemical fertilizers is not only hazardous for health & environment but also major cause of soil fertility degradation. The soil organic matter status which is called the ‘life of a soil’ has gone below 0.5% in many soil of the country while the optimum amount of organic matter is 5%. The assessment committee for losses of soil fertility (BARI, 2004) reported that 10-70% soil fertility has been depleted in different AEZ of Bangladesh during the period of 1967-68 to 1997-98 due mainly to intensified crop cultivation. If this situation is not properly handled then, undoubtedly, our soil will not be able to produce sufficient food for future generations which is a grave concern for the food security of the country.
5. Production of safe & nutritious food
Ensuring the availability of food grains may be the solution for mitigating hunger but not for food security. Because, for food security, it is essential to ensure the availability of safe and nutritious food. But, chemical-intensive modern agriculture produces food full of poisons because huge amounts of poisonous chemicals are being used in different stages of the food supply chain from production, processing, and preservation.
The plant protection wing of the then-Pakistani government first imported pesticides in Bangladesh in 1956. At that times the pesticides were supplied to farmers at free of cost. The Bangladesh government after the liberation continued to give 100% subsidy to pesticides until 1974 which was reduced by 50% in 1979. The government fully cut off the subsidy and invited the private sector to import pesticides in 1980 under the structural adjustment program of WB. Despite the removal of subsidy the use of pesticides became double (figure-2)
during the period of only five years from 1985 to 1990 that indicates the dependency of farmers on pesticides that was created through providing subsidies during previous years. The figure also shows that the use of pesticide in 1980-81 was 2274 metric tones (MT) which was increased to as high as 48595 MT in 2009-10. That means pesticides use increased 21 times over the period of only three decades from 1980-81 to 2009-10 which seems to be increased at a rapid rate in future. This trend also indicates that all efforts of promoting integrated pest management have virtually been failed in the country. In this context it is a big question how it is possible to ensure food security with the poisonous food produced by modern agriculture. But, it is undoubtedly true that the modern agriculture has tremendously swelled up the pesticide and fertilizer business of the corporations and their profit.
On the other hand, many of the modern varieties giving higher yield by increasing bulk of the food not the nutrition status. Although the data presented in the table-1 shows that Bangladesh is a food surplus country since last one age but FAO data on nutrition gives us reverse messages. The FAO data says that the rates of malnutrition in Bangladesh are among the highest in the world. More than 54% of preschool-age children, equivalent to more than 9.5 million children, are stunted, 56% are underweight and more than 17% are wasted.
The data further says that Bangladeshi children also suffer from high rates of micronutrient deficiencies, particularly vitamin A, iron, iodine and zinc deficiency. Malnutrition among women is also extremely prevalent in Bangladesh. More than 50 percent of women suffer from chronic energy deficiency. It is also well-known to all that due to consumption of poisonous food the health hazards and disease occurrence is increasing in an alarming rate in the country. It is therefore, crucial to rethink about the production system of the country in no time to foster production of safe and nutritious food at any cost.
6. Control over seed & genetic resources
The farmers are losing their inherited and hundreds of thousands years control over agriculture of the country day by day under the regime of neo-liberal market economy. The market players are gradually taking the driving seat of our agriculture where the farmers have little space. It is the seeds which led the whole process. Seed is not only a production input but also the key factor to regulate the whole agricultural production system. It is also linked to the whole lifestyle of a community including the culture, religious belief, food habit etc. Seed is the holder and carrier of the crop diversity of a country and the region leading to a unique agricultural system. So, the question of ownership of seed resources is a vital agenda for the very existence of traditional agricultural system of the country as well as the livelihood of the farmer community. Now-a-days, after the inclusion of agriculture in the trade liberalization agreements of WTO, the multinational corporations have identified seed business as a thrust sector for their monopoly agribusiness. In order to achieve their target they have been introducing hybrid and GM-varieties and using terminator technology so that the farmers fail to produce & preserve their own seeds for cultivation that are eradicating farmers own seeds from their hands. Introduction of such varieties are promoting the business of agrochemicals, agro-equipment and other highly expensive technologies of the multinational corporations. As a result, the peasants are becoming fully depended on the corporations for their crop production. This sort of dependency is a great threat for the sustainability of the poor peasants of Bangladesh in agriculture and also for sovereignty of the country itself.
Bangladesh is very rich in biodiversity with thousands of species of crops, plants, animals, birds etc. The culture of the country has been developed based on this biodiversity. Bangladesh is famous for its cultural heritage popularly known as “Thirteen festivals in twelve months” which were based on diversified crops and the cropping seasons of the country. The Bengalese was world famous for their hospitality which was also based on crop diversity enriched with diversified food habit. Special varieties of rice and other crops were cultivated for special types of food items. The ever-increasing monoculture of HYV rice has been destroying the invaluable biodiversity and cultural heritage of the country. The irrigation block of HYV boro rice restricts the cultivation of pulses, oilseeds, vegetables etc. which is also a threat for food security of the country specially in terms of nutrition uptake. It has also massacred the socio-economic structure of the country. A large number of alien species/varieties of different crops which have already been introduced in the ecosystem of the country without prior and proper scientific investigation on their possible impact on the ecosystem and native species. The National Seed Approval Committee of the government of Bangladesh approved the import of hybrid seed in 1998 without any prior assessment of the impacts of such seeds in our agriculture, environment & ecosystem. In addition, very recently Bangladesh has entered into an agreement with Cornel University of America and USAID that will promote genetically modified crops which are reported to be destructive to the biodiversity and that’s why GM crops are banned in many country of the world including Europe.
The peasants of Bangladesh are already experiencing severe seed crisis. The problems of ever-increasing market price, businesspersons’ manipulated seed crisis, below quality seed, lower germination rate etc. are increasing day by day. The crisis must reach to a peak when the corporations will take total control over seed resources of the country. The corporations have already occupied about 80% of vegetable seed market and it is so far 20% for rice seed market of the country. In the global context, the top 10 seed companies account for $14,785 million – or two-thirds (67%) of the global proprietary seed market (ETC Group 2007). It is not far away when the multinational corporations will capture the whole seed market of the country and that situation must be suicidal for the farmer as well as for the freedom and sovereignty of the country.
Since the early 1970s the pesticide industries have gone through a period of consolidation. Today, after a flurry of merger and acquisitions, corporate domination specifically over the agrochemical market and the food system in general has reached a peak. The top five agrochemical companies, Syngenta (a merger of Novartis and AstraZeneca), Aventis (Rhone-Poulanc and AgroEvo), Monsanto (present name Pharmacia), BASF and DuPont hold dominant position in the seeds, pesticides, pharmaceuticals and related markets. Presently, these companies account for nearly two-thirds of the commercial seed market and virtually 100 per cent of the market for GM seeds. Monsanto alone occupies 91% of genetic crop of the world (ETC Group 2007). Only three big companies Monsanto (Pharmacia), Aventis Crop Science, and Syngenta are controlling the major part of the world agriculture and the seed market. Such control is established by the monopoly ownership of world genetic resources facilitated by the patent law under TRIPS agreement of WTO. The present trend of such monopoly control of MNCs over the genetic resources along with merger and acquisitions among the MNCs apparently signals that the control of world food chain is going into the grip of few MNCs.
In the year 1970, the BRRI was established to develop high yielding rice varieties that better suited to local growing conditions and ecosystem. So far, the institute has developed 51 HYVs and 2 hybrid varieties, BINA has developed 8 varieties, BAU one variety and BSMUA one rice variety. On the other hand, BARI has developed 21 varieties of wheat, 4 of maize (including 3 hybrid varieties), 32 of potato, 24 of pulses, 21 of oilseeds, 41 of vegetable and 26 of fruits. Those varieties are not patented and on-farm conservation is possible by the farmers (except the hybrids). If we even take the point that we have no other way but increasing the crop yield to meet up the growing demands of food for the increasing population of the country then our research institutes have already proven their capacities and potentials in this regard. Moreover, still there is a huge gap between the yield potentials of these varieties and the yield at farmers’ fields. The main reason of this gap is the lack of capacities of the farmers to manage these varieties with intensive technologies and external-inputs for getting better yield. Lack of capital and the crisis of seeds, fertilizers, diesel, electricity etc. are also very vital reasons for the yield gap. So, it is essentially a logical question that “Why should we go for importing exotic varieties in the name of increasing crop yield without solving the aforesaid problems”.
The ownership and control of seeds concentrated in too few hands and a food supply based on too few varieties planted widely are the worst option for food security. On the other hand, it will be a disaster for the poor farmers in the least developed and developing countries like Bangladesh because traditionally they rely on farm saved seeds and only enter the market to purchase seeds about once in about once in several years. But, if they buy and plant patented seeds, companies can insist that they purchase new seeds every year. Seeds are often sold in a package with fertilizers, pesticides, which further increases farmer’s dependence on the market, while also increases the risk of indebtedness when crops fail due to adverse climatic conditions. It would also decrease farmers’ access to seeds, reduce efforts in publicly funded plant breeding, increase the loss of genetic resources, prevent seed sharing and could put poor farmers out of business.
Transformation of agriculture of Bangladesh
In order to understand the transformation of agriculture of Bangladesh from the farmers view points ten FGDs were conducted with the farmers in ten villages of four unions under Shailkupa upazila of Jhenaidah district. It is to mention that the villages are located within the Ganges-Kobadak (G.K) irrigation project area. Mainly the aged farmers were selected as FGD participants so that they can describe the transformation from their own experience. Female were also participated in the FGDs. Several in-depth interviews of selected farmers from the FGD participants were also conducted. Moreover, data of crop production cost were also collected from the same participants. The findings of the FGDs, in-depth interview and the collected data are described below as a summary.
The Milestone of Transformation
It was very difficult for the participants to remember the exact time when the transformation towards modern agriculture was started. But, they could clearly identify that with the start of GK project the modern agriculture was initiated. Since then irrigated boro rice cultivation was started with the water of GK project. It is to note that G.K project is the first irrigation project of Bangladesh which was conceived in 1954 and came into full operation since 1961. But unfortunately, it became a failed project due mainly to Farakka barrage at upstream of the Ganges river established by India since it began operations on April 21, 1975. The GK project had totally failed to supply water during 1992-1996 due to low flow in the river Padma. The project became operational again after signing of the water sharing treaty with India in 1996 but suffered from water scarcity almost every year. So, huge number of shallow tubewells has been set up by the farmers. Now, the irrigated boro cultivation is totally depended on under ground water irrigation by shallow tubewell. At the start of GK project irrigation was very cheap, BADC supplied seeds of HYV at free of cost, DAE supplied pesticides at free of cost. The farmers had to buy only 10-15 kg of Urea fertilizer for one acre of land at very low cost. But, they got almost double (50-60 mounds/acre) yield than that of local variety (25-30 mounds/acre). The cost of production was only little higher than the traditional varieties but the yield was almost double. So, the farmers easily accepted the new varieties and technologies. Before that the farmers had their self-reliant and integrated production system. every farm family produced varieties of crops mainly for their family needs.
Impacts of the transformation from Farmers’ Perspective
Although transformation from subsistence to commercial farming increased the yield and production of rice but the farmers by turn have been fallen into various problems. One of the root causes of the problems is that the market dependency for agricultural production is being increased day by day and the farmers are losing control over the agricultural production system to the market or market players. The source of agricultural inputs before and after green revolution is presented in the table below.
Table-2: The Sources of crop production inputs before and after the green revolution.
Production activities |
Before the green revolution |
After the green revolution |
Inputs |
Source |
Input |
Source |
|
Land |
Own, Local |
Land |
Own, Local |
|
Labour |
Own, Local |
Labour |
Own, Local |
|
Capital |
Own, Local |
Capital |
Own, Local, NGO, Commercial Bank |
Land preparation |
Country plough, ladder, cow |
Own, Local |
Tractor, power tiller |
Market |
Seed sowing |
Local Seeds |
Own, Local |
HYV, Hybrid seeds |
Market |
Fertilizer use |
Organic fertilizer |
Own, Local |
Chemical fertilizers |
Market |
Pest control |
Indigenous method with local materials |
Own, Local |
Chemical pesticides |
Market |
Weeding |
Hand weeding instruments |
Own, Local |
Chemical weedicides |
Market |
Irrigation |
Local irrigation materials |
Own, Local |
Deep & shallow tube well, surface irrigation pump, electric motor, diesel etc. |
Market |
Harvesting |
Cow |
Own, Local |
Harvester machine |
Market |
From the table-2 it is observed that after introduction of green revolution technologies farmers have become totally depended on the market for their production inputs and technologies. As all crops have become cash crops and the whole production system has become market oriented then it is clear that the agriculture of the country is no more at subsistence level rather it has been transformed into commercial agriculture governed by the corporations. It was subsistence when farmer produced crop for their food & other family needs. They sold only the surplus of their products to the market. They selected crops based on their food culture and considering other family needs which is very rare now-a-days.
The transformation has got both positive & negative impacts on various aspects of social, economic, cultural, health and environmental life and livelihood of the farmer community which were stated by the farmers are briefly described below.
According to the farmers’ opinion both the yield and total production of food grains eg. rice and wheat and vegetables have substantially been increased. It is important to note that earlier vegetables were mainly homestead products. Most of the vegetables were produced in the homestead by the women. Now, the vegetables are mainly cultivated in the field as a cash crop. Earlier Jute, Cotton, sugarcane were mainly cash crops but now every crop has become cash crop. However, the yield of pulses (lentil, gram, mung bean etc), oilseeds (mustard & sesame) spices (onion, garlic, chili, turmeric) has also been increased substantially but total production has been decreased because the production land of these crops has been occupied by rice and wheat. As a result, monoculture of rice has drastically been increased. Now-a-days only rice is being cultivated in more than 80% of land resulting in reduced crop diversity which is very much necessary not only for food security and meeting up diversified family needs but also maintaining soil fertility status, reducing risk of crop failure and conservation of biodiversity and environment.
The production cost and profit/loss of paddy in different growing season is presented in fig.-3.
The data presented in the figure and shows that average production cost for Aus, Aman & Boro rice are 26357, 30494 and 52512 Tk./acre respectively. The cost of production for boro rice is due mainly to very high irrigation cost. The data also shows that net profit for Aus & Aman rice are 7132, 9274 Tk./acre respectively while it is a loss of 6407 Tk./acre for boro rice. The data reveals that rice cultivation is not much profitable while farmers have to count substantial loss for cultivating boro rice. Therefore, it is a big question why farmers cultivate rice when it is not much profitable or even loss. the answer will be found later on.
Comparative profitability of some other major crops of Jhenaidah district is shown in figure-4.
The data presented in the figure shows that Onion is the most profitable (49090 Tk./acre) followed by Jute (27551 Tk./acre), Lentil (25300 Tk./acre), Mung bean (24220 Tk./acre), Tobacco (22032 Tk./acre), Mustard (14836 Tk./acre) and Sesame (14375 Tk./acre). It is therefore, clear that all of these crops are more profitable than rice. It is important to note that though the profitability of tobacco is higher than mustard & sesame but its’ cost of production is very much high triple or more than that of the other crops. The farmers become interested in cultivating tobacco mainly because the market is ensured; they get the inputs in credit from the company; and get return at a time that seems to be big amount of cash for them.
However, it is a big question that why farmers cultivate rice as it is not profitable for them. In finding answer of this question it was found that farmers never calculate their profit/loss as a professional businessmen though agriculture is now a business for them. They just calculate yield & total production and their values. Even they don’t calculate their total investment for a crop production. It is to mention that the data presented in the previous figures were calculated by standard method where value of their own resources eg. cow dung, their own and family labour, lease value of land and the interest of their running capital were also included to the cost of production which is never calculated by the farmers. Generally, they compare the profitability of different crops just from total production and the market price. Actually, they don’t calculate the profit or loss rather they just calculate the total return from a crop. For example, from one bigha (46 decimal in local measurement) of land they get approximately 25 mounds of rice. So, if the price of per mound rice is 800 Tk. then they get the return of Tk. 20,000 from one bigha while it is 19,200Tk, 15,200Tk, 12,500Tk and 10,400Tk for Mung bean, Lentil, Mustard and Sesame respectively. Therefore, according to farmers’ perception, the most profitable crop is tobacco followed by onion, Jute, Rice, Mung bean, Lentil, Mustard and Sesame (fig.-5).

From the above discussions, it can be concluded that farmers never see agriculture as a business, though they have already entered into the commercial production system. As a result, they are being easily exploited by the market players. On the other hand, they continue their production even though it is not profitable for them because they have no other alternative. They are just serving the market players as a slave while the market players and the corporations become bigger and larger out of the agribusiness by extracting profit from the poor farmers.
Overall results of introducing green revolution technologies
The farmers identified results of the introduction of green revolution technologies as follows.
- At initial stage yield was increased very rapidly but now it is stagnant or in decreasing trend.
- Farmers have lost their self-reliant production system.
- The cost of production has drastically been increased resulting of decrease in profitability.
- Due to increased market dependency of farmers the market players are exploiting farmers in many ways. Farmers are being exploited by the market during buying inputs and selling their products and they are not getting fair prices of their products.
- The production of Pulses, oilseeds and spices has been decreased drastically. So, the farmers have to buy those from the market with very high prices.
- Farmers specially women have lost their seed resources.
- Use of local resource based inputs is decreased or eliminated.
- Use of chemical fertilizers and poisonous pesticides has been increased very much.
- The biodiversity and crop diversity has been reduced.
- Agro-ecosystem has been ruined.
- Soil fertility status has drastically been depleted.
- Insect occurrence and disease infestation has been increased manifold.
- Climate has been changed and disasters like, drought, flood, water logging, salinity, cyclone etc. have been increased.
- Ground water table has gone down resulting in scarcity of drinking & irrigation water.
- The risk in crop production has been increased manifolds. Thus the farmers’ tension for protecting their crops has been increased.
- Environment has been degraded.
- Health hazards and diseases have been increased manifold. So, the treatment cost has been increased.
- The fish resources have almost been abolished.
- Production of livestock and local chicken, duck etc. has been drastically reduced.
- Farmers have lost their indigenous knowledge of crop production. Farmers have been depended on external sources or market for their production technologies.
- Opportunity for women to participate in production system is reduced.
- Rural cultural elements have been demolished.
- Farmers’ opportunity of leisure & recreation has been reduced.
- Family bondage and social harmony is destructed. Individualism has been increased.
The list could be longer but this is enough to realize that how much we have lost by dint of single gain of increasing production of food grains.
Macro perspective of the transformation
It is clear from the previous discussion that the agriculture of Bangladesh is already transformed into a commercial form. While Dr. Hassanullah (2008) termed the present situation of Bangladesh Agriculture as a transitional phase. He said, “Agriculture in Bangladesh, as well as in many other developing countries, is passing through a transitional phase of transformation from subsistence to commercial in nature. During the last three decades from the seventies to the nineties, an enormously large investment was made for agricultural development in various sub-sectors and commodities supported by donor agencies. Some of those programs were rapid expansion of public sector input distribution systems in the sixties and the seventies, intensive crop development programs (sugarcane, jute, tobacco, wheat, maize, oilseeds, minor crops, horticulture) in the seventies, merging six organizations and introducing the Training & Visit model through Extension & Research Projects and Agricultural Research Management Projects in the eighties, Crop Diversification Projects, Agricultural Services Innovation and Reform Projects, Agro-based Industries and Technology Development Projects and Seed and Fertilizer Projects in the nineties, etc.” It is needless to mention that all of the aforesaid programs and projects paved the way for the corporation to intervene into the market of the country that led to the commercial formation of our subsistence agriculture. Most importantly the structural adjustment program imposed by the WB enhanced the commercialization process by liberalization & privatization of agriculture sector of the country.
But unfortunately, it seems that such transformation is fully recognized neither by the farmers nor by the government policy makers while government still feels the necessity of commercialization. That’s why the draft NAP 2011 has set the priority of commercialization of agriculture from its subsistence nature. On the other hand, a report entitled ‘Transformation of Agriculture for Sustainable Development and Poverty Alleviation in Bangladesh’ published by the ministry of agriculture (2006) says, “In the face of rapidly changing national, regional and global economic environment, Bangladesh agriculture is facing the challenge to reinvent itself to withstand competition and at the same time continue to provide food and employment opportunities for the vast majority of the population. To this end, the Government is in the process of articulating a new vision for the sector, realizing that the past and current visions with relatively heavy emphasis on production of food are no longer adequate. In this process, the Government is seeking ways and means to make agriculture more competitive through incentive compatible policies and measures with the view to transforming the sector for sustainable agricultural development, food security and poverty alleviation within the overall framework of the country’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)”.
The report further says, “In spite of the existence of many problems and constraints to sustainable agricultural development in Bangladesh, a quiet agricultural revolution process has been taking place in the country. This process has evolved in response to emerging macro-economic policy and sector policy reforms. These policies included market and trade liberalization and substantial reduction in public sector intervention in agriculture. Driven by the farmers themselves and the private sector, agriculture is beginning to transform itself from a largely peasant based subsistence activity to a commercial entrepreneurial activity. The initiation of the transformation process was made feasible with the help of new technology, irrigation expansion and new opportunities to commercialization due to growth of the rural non-agriculture sector and improved rural infrastructure”.
Rationale for transformation into Corporate Agriculture
The agriculture production & marketing system prevailing in the country may be termed as corporate agriculture. It is argued that large-scale corporate agriculture is more efficient than peasant farming prevalent in the country. It leads to better allocative efficiency, induces higher private investment in agriculture, and results in higher output, income and exports (Mishra, 1997). In Bangladesh the average operational size of the landless holdings is only below 0.2 hectares including homestead, for marginal holdings it is 0.2 to 0.6 ha, for small holdings 0.6 to 1.0 ha, for medium holdings 1.0 to 3.0 ha and for large holdings it is ≥ 3.0 ha. Moreover, small farms are highly fragmented. Land transactions have led to further fragmentation making them non-viable in terms of resource use as well as family sustenance. The costs of fragmentation included increased travel time between farms and hence lower labour productivity, higher transportation costs of inputs and outputs, negative externalities for land quality improvement like irrigation, loss of land on boundaries and greater potential for disputes (Mani and Pandey, 1995). It is therefore may be the fact that the expected development of our agriculture is not possible by these tinny peasants. But unfortunately, the landless, marginal and small holding constitutes about 88% of the total holdings of the country. This is the key feature to be considered for any sort of development planning of the agriculture as well as of the country as a whole.
Although so far as efficiency is concerned, there is no conclusive evidence of farm productivity rising with increasing farm size, rather small farms have been found to have higher output per hectare (Toulmin and Gueye, 2003). In fact, land reforms drew their logic from the evidence which pointed to the inverse relationship between farm size and productivity (Lipton, 1993). Also, economies of scale are important not at the production level but at the processing stage which can be availed of under contract farming or co-operative processing arrangements (Vyas, 2001). If the argument of efficiency of large holding has any logic at all, it can still be practised by increasing the size of operational holdings even under the existing land laws by way of consolidation. Ownership of land is not a necessary condition for corporate agriculture. The case of India can be mentioned here as an example. Since agricultural sector in India, quite in contrast to the industrial sector, has functioned in a competitive environment – with very large number of producers and consumers in the market – there is no evidence to suggest that under the present system of peasant farming, allocation of resources is inefficient (Rao, 1995). If a proof is needed, it should be seen in the growth rate of agricultural production and changes in the efficiency of capital use. Agricultural production has grown at an average rate of 3 –3.5% per annum since the late 1960s and the marginal efficiency of capital in Indian agriculture more than doubled, from 0.150 in the 1960s to 0.414 in the 1980s (Mishra, 1997).
Further, the experiment of corporate farming in many developed and developing country situations did not succeed largely due to many internal and external problems of the agribusiness firms. For example, in Iran, most of the firms failed, when they were given large chunks of land for cultivation, due to the mismanagement which resulted from the lack of relevant experience. The main reasons were managerial in nature, like neglect of field improvement, no contingency planning, under-capitalisation, managerial inflexibility, and poor labour relations (Strohl, 1985; Johnson and Ruttan, 1994)). The external reasons included diseconomies of scale which suggested that there were limits to farm size growth worldwide (Johnson and Ruttan, 1994). Large-scale corporate farms failed in UK, Venzuela, Ghana, Brazil, and Philippines besides Iran despite the presence of significant ‘external economies of scale’ in terms of subsidised inputs including land, low interest credit, and tax and duty benefits (Johnson and Ruttan, 1994; Toulmin and Gueye, 2003). On the other hand, there have been many cases of success when the firms worked with local farmers under the contract system or leased in their land (Johnson, 1985).
Further, export-oriented agriculture requires large investments which only big agri-business enterprises can afford (Rangswamy, 1993). It is said that corporate farming is a must for stable production and export performance (Singh, 1994). It is also said that allowing companies to buy and operate land would open the doors to their technology in horticulture, food processing, etc. Further, if there is no ceiling on the assets of a firm, why should there be such a restriction on the farm firms or agribusiness enterprises? (Johl, 1995).
The key issue is how to protect the farmers, while allowing the companies to use their land where the farmers work as labour and suffer from the monopolistic contracts with the companies? (Dash, 2004). Also, in a country where the population pressure on agricultural land is already high, it is debatable whether captive or corporate farming is the most optimal use of agricultural or even degraded land. It already evident a major adverse fall out of such corporate agriculture in many developed and developing countries were displacement of large number of peasant farmers. By allowing companies to buy land will make farmers landless since the companies would offer prices which may be too tempting for the poor farmers to resist and they may not be able to negotiate fair prices for their land and find out alternative source of their livelihood. Land owners, therefore, would run the risk of becoming landless. It is already happening in the country while huge number of landowner farmers becoming landless everyday, moving towards the township in search of their livelihoods and living very inhumane life in the slums.
Therefore, the most vital question is how the holding size will be increased to get a minimum economic scale. There is not clear policy measures to solve this crucial problem which is the question of survival of 88% farming community. Without solving this crucial problem the government inviting the corporations that indicate the attitude that these small holders should get out of farming if they are not able to move on to more export-oriented and commercial crops. Only those who have the mindset, technology, management, and financial resources to face the challenge of the Second Green Revolution should be permitted to do farming as an agribusiness.
Forms & Impacts of Corporate Agriculture in Bangladesh
Three forms of corporate agriculture are found to be existed in the country which may be termed as i. Farmers’ Independent farming, ii. Direct Corporate Farming, ii. Contract farming. These are described below.
1. Farmers’ Independent Farming
It is the traditional farming system prevailing in the country run by the farmers independently though depends on existing market chain for marketing of their products. Although in this system the farmers seem to be independent but they are not independent at all. Because, in this system a set of middlemen exists in the market chain who, in fact, controls the market and extract almost the whole profit generated from agricultural production. In this system farmers usually don’t get fair price of their products though the price become double or triple at consumer level. In this system farmers are extorted by the market player in two ways. The farmers have to pay more and more when they buy the agricultural inputs from the market in one hand and get very less prices when they go to sell their produces in the market on the other. So, the market players are exploiting farmers both input and product market and getting huge profit while the farmers counting even loss from their products. The farmers are producing by investing their own land, labour, capital and shouldering all risks but in the end handing over their products to the market players like a slave.
On the other hand, in this system corporations mainly the corporations those are processing agricultural products also remain in vulnerable condition for uninterrupted supply of their necessary raw materials in time at reasonable price. Actually, the middlemen enjoy the most advantaged position in this system. As a result, this system is neither preferred by the corporations nor it is beneficial for the farmers.
2. Direct Corporate Farming
In this system corporation directly run their own production farm and sale the products to the consumers. In Bangladesh there are a good number of public, private & NGO farms those are run directly by the corporation. The farmers generally don’t have any role to paly in this system other than working as a labour.
Although this system gives the corporation certainty of supply of their raw materials it is, in fact, not much preferred by them because it increases their volume of investment and management cost. Moreover, it needs large scale land available for them at a reasonable price which is often a big constraint in a country like Bangladesh where land is very scarce and fragmented.
3. Contract Farming
Contract farming is the most preferable for the corporation because of its comparative advantages than the other two options as stated before. So, in more recent years, contract farming has been introduced more intensively by a number of private companies and NGOs as a part of their agribusiness ventures. Their primary focus is on high value agricultural products to cater to the needs of increasing urbanization and expanding international markets. Contract farming of tobacco is very well-known form of contract farming in Bangladesh. Besides, BRAC has introduced contract growing of vegetables and fruits for export market and poultry and milk production for domestic market. PRAN has been promoting production of high value fruits and vegetables for domestic as well as export market. Aftab Bahumukhi Farm Ltd. (ABFL) is one of the commercial breeding farms that has introduced contract farming for broiler and layers production and integrated it with a supply chain to serve the urban consumers. Proshika has introduced contract farming for organic vegetable and fruit production mostly for the urban and foreign consumers. These are some few examples of contract farming in Bangladesh.
Contract farming involves contractual arrangements, written or verbal, between farmers and companies, specifying one or more conditions of production and/or marketing of an agricultural product. Contracting may be horizontal and vertical. If two or more different stages are tied together, this is ‘vertical contracting’. If two or more parts are tied into one at the same stage of operation, this is ‘horizontal contracting’. If both vertical and horizontal operations are tied together, this is ‘circular contracting’. For example, in the broiler chicken industry there are various stages of operation, such as: hatching egg flocks, hatcheries, feed mills, feed stores, broiler production, processing, wholesaling, retailing and finally, the consumer of chickens. Contracting on any one of these stages is ‘horizontal,’ while contracting between any two of these stages is ‘vertical’. Contracting involving both horizontal and vertical operations is called ‘circular’. Conceptually, contract farming envisages five elements: (i) product specification in response to national or international markets; (ii) market specification, ensuring product delivery at agreed upon prices; (iii) resource supplies, including quality inputs, capital, credit and services; (iv) technical support, relating to production, harvesting and processing; and (v) risk sharing, specifying insurance against natural and market risks (Mandal et.al. 2004).
Because of the aforesaid five elements, contract farming is considered to be more advantageous for the farmers as it gives better marketing opportunity for the farmers and link them with wider market. As contract farming is a better option compared to the aforesaid two other systems many theorists are in favour of introducing contract farming as a solution of farmers’ deprivations in the neo-liberal market system as an way of getting fair price of their products. Before going for any conclusion in this regards we can consider following two cases.
Moreover, Sarwar (2008) reported that some agricultural processing companies initiated contract farming in Bangladesh in the late 1990s. The main objection with the contract farming is that the arrangements limit the farmers access to the market and the contractors usually pay less (administered price) to the farmers and sometimes they do not buy the products in seasons when price is high in the market rather they wait for the price to fall and then buys the produce in a cheaper price. The agribusiness farms are able to exploit the system as 1) the contracted i.e. the small farmers often do not understand the contract’s terms and conditions; 2) very informal setting of contract through the selection of group leaders from the farmers who are close to the agribusiness firms, and 3) small farmers do not have bargaining power to get the contract right. Farmers are not compensated with the production loss due to externalities. In a country like Bangladesh where 82 percent farmers are small producers (less than 2.5 acre land possession) and having no bargaining power in respect to their counterparts’ i.e. corporate business, contract farming as a means to achieve the new agriculture is not a prudent choice”.
However, although the contract farming has been in practice for quite some time, there are issues that have not been adequately analyzed or understood. Some of the key questions that need to be addressed are as follows: Who are the contract growers and what are the contractual arrangements? To what extent the contract farming benefits the contract growers? Has the contract farming contributed to a reduction of price spread between the producers and the consumers? What needs to be done to improve the performance of contract farming in the changing nature of trade liberalization? How it is solution of Farmers’ Marketing problems?
On the other hand, corporations are interested for High Value crops rather then necessary food crops essential for food security. For example, at present in Bangladesh contract farming is happening in case of tobacco, Shrimp, fruits, maize, vegetables, spices etc.. The corporations either produce junk food for domestic market or export to the foreign market the products produced as contract. None of these products are essential for food security. On the contrary those are detrimental for food security because those occupy very scarce farmland of the country which is not enough to produce essential food items for food security. It is to remember that company run not for ensuring food security but for profit. If maize cultivation becomes profitable for company to produce bio-fuel certainly they will go for producing maize.
In fact, it is known from experiences of other developing countries, and of India where contract farming is now widespread, that agribusiness firms producing for export tend to undermine the local food production systems as they go in for export-oriented non-food crops by displacing area under basic food crops which is so crucial for local and national food security (Patnaik, 1996) and exploit farmers (Dash, 2004). Therefore, it is essential to become careful in time. It is obvious that company will never go for producing rice the staple food of the country because it is not high value crop for them. Such situation will be a great threat for the food security of the country.
Global Experiences of Corporate Farming
The draft NAP 2011 says “special attention will be given to post-production technologies, high value crops, value addition, agri-business management and trade. Enabling conditions will be created to expand local and overseas markets for agri-business opportunities”. It could be realized from the NAP that the government is eager to invite the large investors in agriculture who will produce high value crops like Tobacco, Shrimp Maize, Strawberry, BAUKUL, Dragon fruit, other fruits, organic vegetables mainly to feed the high value consumers living in the cities or export to the market abroad to earn raw foreign exchange. This trend is already happening in the country as discussed before. Many corporations, private entrepreneurs and corporate NGOs in the country investing in agriculture either to produce junk food or raw & processed food for the domestic or foreign market. Perhaps government is thinking to promote such high value agriculture in a large scale in the name of commercialization of our agriculture. If it happens it will, undoubtedly, be suicidal for the sake of food security of the country.
On the other hand, government is enthusiastic to promote competitiveness through commercialization of agriculture (Draft NAP 2011). It seems to be good from commercial perspective but the question is that with whom the poorest of the poor farmers of this country will compete and under what conditions? Will they have to compete with the corporate giants as well as domestic or foreign large-scale investors? Do they have that capacity? It is fact that the small, marginal and landless farmers of the country who constitute 88% of the farming community already in an unequal competition with the highly subsidized large-scale gigantic farmers of the developed and developing countries in the neo-liberal market of the country opened up by the pressure of WB, IMF and other donor agencies under the regime of WTO and its’ AoA. We should be proud that our farmers still surviving very boldly and courageously in such an unequal competition for last many years. This competition is not simply unequal, it is in fact, a competition between a bicycle with an aeroplane. Therefore, it should be clear what is the further competitiveness to be created by the government.
However, it is real fact that over the past three decades the rich countries of the north have forced poor countries to open their markets, then flooded those markets with subsidized food, with devastating results for Third World farming. But the restructuring of global agriculture to the advantage of agribusiness giants didn’t stop there. In the same period, southern countries were convinced, cajoled and bullied into adopting agricultural policies that promote export crops rather than food for domestic consumption, and favour large-scale industrial agriculture that requires single-crop (monoculture) production, heavy use of water, and massive quantities of fertilizer and pesticides. Increasingly, traditional farming, organized by and for communities and families, has been pushed aside by industrial farming organized by and for agribusinesses. The focus on export agriculture has produced the absurd and tragic result that millions of people are starving in countries that export food. In India, for example, over one-fifth of the population is chronically hungry and 48% of children under five years old are malnourished. Nevertheless, India exported US$1.5 billion worth of milled rice and $322 million worth of wheat in 2004 (FAO, 2004).
In other countries, farmland that used to grow food for domestic consumption now grows luxuries for the north. Colombia, where 13% of the population is malnourished, produces and exports 62% of all cut flowers sold in the United States. In many cases the result of switching to export crops has produced results that would be laughable if they weren’t so damaging. Kenya was self-sufficient in food until about 25 years ago. Today it imports 80% of its food and 80% of its exports are other agricultural products (Angus 2008).
The shift to industrial agriculture has driven millions of people off the land and into unemployment and poverty in the immense slums that now surround many of the world’s cities. The people who best know the land are being separated from it; their farms enclosed into gigantic outdoor factories that produce only for export. Hundreds of millions of people now must depend on food that’s grown thousands of miles away because their homeland agriculture has been transformed to meet the needs of agribusiness corporations. As recent months have shown, the entire system is fragile: India’s decision to rebuild its rice stocks made food unaffordable for millions half a world away (Angus 2008).
If the purpose of agriculture is to feed people, the changes to global agriculture in the past 30 years make no sense. Industrial farming in the Third World has produced increasing amounts of food, but at the cost of driving millions off the land and into lives of chronic hunger and at the cost of poisoning air and water, and steadily decreasing the ability of the soil to deliver the food we need for present & future generations. Contrary to the claims of agribusiness, the latest agricultural research, including more than a decade of concrete experience in Cuba, proves that small and mid-sized farms using sustainable agroecological methods are much more productive and vastly less damaging to the environment than huge industrial farms (Jahi Campbell 2008). Industrial farming continues not because it is more productive but because it has been able, until now, to deliver uniform products in predictable quantities, bred specifically to resist damage during shipment to distant markets. That’s where the profit is, and profit is what counts, no matter what the effect may be on earth, air, and water or even on hungry people (Angus 2008).
In search for alternative
It is obvious from the previous discussion that corporate agriculture may earn huge foreign exchange or make huge profit from domestic market and thus better contribute to the economic growth of a country but neither it is solution for food security nor for development of poor peasants of a country like Bangladesh. It is already mentioned that about 88% farm holdings of the country are small, marginal & landless categories who own maximum of 1 ha of land have been suffering much in the neo-liberal agricultural trading system. So, looking for any alternative, development issue of this big section of poorest population of the country must be prioritized. On the other hand, for producing safe and nutritious food for ensuring food security in the context of increasing climate change induced disasters must get equal priority. We should also remember that we can’t simply deny the regime of neoliberal market economy or agricultural trade.
However, if we first consider the survival issue of small, marginal & landless farmers then what should be alternative of corporate farming when it is necessary to increase the holding size for them is the first question. Mishra (1997) has given the answer of this question and proposed for a way to increase the holding size. He said, “If operational holdings are to be enlarged for more viable operations, that can be achieved by making the land lease market more efficient or by pooling land together under some co-operative enterprises, for collectively buying inputs and selling produce, if not for co-operative farming. If agricultural growth is to be shared in order to realise the virtuous circle of growth and distribution, only a peasant farming system using modern technology of production can achieve it, as the East-Asian experience has shown. Not only it is more competitive compared to the capitalist/corporate farming system, but also peasants do respond and adopt new technologies of production whenever opportunity arises. The experience of the Green Revolution in Punjab is an excellent example of this. Secondly, it is able to employ more labour as the peasant farmers substitute labour for capital much better, than the capitalist farming can ever do, given its normal motive to maximise profit (Mishra, 1997).
There is, however, a case for increasing the holding size at the lower end to make the holdings viable (Mani and Pandey, 1995). This can be done by provision of term credit through Land Development Banks to the small/marginal farmers below the poverty line, so that those willing could purchase land and increase the size of their ownership holdings (Rao, 1995). But, it may not help solve the problem of viability as it leaves no room for those at the lowest end who want to move out of it. The best course seems to be to have a free land market within the limits of land ceilings, with provision of land purchase credit facility for the small/marginal farmers. But, given the population pressure, family divisions, equal inheritance law, and deep-rooted attachment to land, even this policy may not wholly succeed in eliminating the unviable marginal holdings. About 15 years ago, a working group of agricultural economists under the chairmanship of late Sukhmoy Chakravarty, had come to the conclusion that introduction of a floor to the ownership holdings would be necessary to tackle the issue. The U.P. Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act of 1950 accordingly has a clause fixing the floor limit at 1.26 hectare. It is another matter that this provision has never been implemented. Of course, it goes without saying that the floor limit will have to be different in different states just as the ceiling limits are different (Mani and Pandey, 1995; Mishra, 1997).
Finally, there is a need to look at contract farming alternative as it meets the needs of both corporate agribusinesses as well as small producers. The superiority of contract farming over corporate farming is evident in its more widespread and sustained practice as compared with corporate farming experiences (Winson, 1990) and in its positive impacts like producer link up with profitable markets, better farm incomes, skill upgradation due to transfer of technology, and sharing of market risk even in India (Glover and Kusterer, 1990; Benziger, 1996; Dileep et al, 2002: Deshingkar et al, 2003; Dev and Rao, 2004). It does not at least make small farmers landless unlike corporate farming. Even the environmental aspects of contracting are not as damaging as small farmers maintain control over farm operations which is good for environmental sustainability though when unregulated and not ethically practiced, it can lead to environmental degradation (Morvaridi, 1995; Singh, 2002) and exclusion of small producers (Warning et al, 2003; Singh, 2006a). Further, there is sharing of benefits in contracting as against corporate farming. Of course, this requires regulation and monitoring of contracting agencies by third parties or farmer organisations like co-operatives and farmer groups or the state. In general, contract farming has positive impact on non-contract growers and rural development in general if properly leveraged with state policy and local institutions like group contracts, though it is not a development tool (Goldsmith, 1985). It has been in practice in India for quite some time now with mixed results and more recently, there has been policy thrust on this mechanism of vertical co-ordination. Therefore, there is a need to build partnership into contract farming (Eaton and Shepherd, 2001) where companies not only offer contractual terms for working with farmers but also share their business risk and profits with producers as equity shareholders. It is being done successfully by a sugar company in Karnataka in south India.
On the other hand, for producing sufficient safe and nutritious food for ensuring food security in the context of increasing climate change induced disasters is a great concern for the country like Bangladesh. By following the prescription of the donor agencies of industrialist countries our policy makers are looking for the technological solution of the aforesaid problem while the intellectuals of the industrialist countries thinking differently.
John Ikerd (1996) an American educationist states “a lot of well-informed, educated people see a very different future — a “post-industrial” future for agriculture and the U.S. economy in general. They see a future in which “thinking,” — not just by the intellectually-gifted, highly-educated, and highly-paid few, but by people in general — is the key to success. The human mind will be the source of progress for individuals, families, farms, businesses, communities, and nations. “High-think” rather “high-tech” will be “buzz word” of the 21st century. A “post-industrial” paradigm for agriculture implies a future very different from the typical “high-tech” vision of continued agricultural industrialization”.
He further states, “American agriculture is in the midst of a great transition. Three basic factors foretell end of dominance for the industrial paradigm of agriculture. First, the logical, economic and social gains from industrialization of agriculture have already been realized. There is very little left to be gained from further specialization, mechanization, and routinization — industrialization — of agricultural production and marketing. Second, there are increasing problems — environmental, social, and economic problems — associated with continuing the industrialization process. The marginal costs of industrialization may have exceeded its marginal benefits as far back as two or three decades ago. Third, there is growing evidence the Industrial era has already ended in many sectors of the economy outside of agriculture and that agriculture will soon follow”.
“This industrialization of American agriculture resulted in the most efficient agriculture in the world, at least in terms of the dollar and cents costs of production. This in turn made it possible for this nation to build the strongest economy in world. Equally important, the farmer gets only a single penny out of that dime, while nine cents goes to the marketing and input firms. We now pay more for packaging and advertising than we pay the farmer to produce the food. Future gains from the further industrialization of agriculture must be squeezed from the farmer’s penny. There just isn’t much left in to be squeezed out to benefit either farmers or society. We just can’t make food much cheaper by putting more farmers out of business.”
“At the same time that the benefits to society of an industrial agriculture have declined, the perceived threats of agriculture — threats to the environment, threats to the natural resource base, and threats to the quality of life of farmers, of rural residents and society as a whole — have risen. The same technologies that support our large-scale, specialized system of farming — the industrial systems through which we have increased agricultural productivity — have now become the primary focus of growing public concerns. Industrial systems historically have degraded their environment and depleted their natural resource base. Commercial fertilizers and pesticides — essential elements in a specialized, industrialized agriculture — have become a primary source of growing concerns for environmental pollution. Industrial systems of crop and livestock production also degrade the human resource base. Factory farms transform independent decision makers into farm workers — people who know how to follow instructions or directions but not necessarily how to think. The early gains of appropriate specialization in agriculture lifted people out of subsistence living and made the American industrial revolution possible. But agriculture was the most ill-suited of all sectors for fully-industrialized, factory-like operations. Thus, full industrialization of agriculture occurred last, generated fewer benefits, created more environmental and social costs, and as a consequence, will likely last for a shorter period of time.”
“So, there are logical reasons to question further industrialization and to believe that the future will be very different from the past. An alternative paradigm for U.S. agriculture, a new paradigm arising under the conceptual umbrella of sustainable agriculture, represents a logical, realistic, positive alternative to industrial agriculture”. The paradigm of sustainable agriculture has emerged to solve problems created by the industrial model, primarily pollution of our environment and degradation of our natural resource base. However, this new paradigm seems capable of creating benefits the industrial model is inherently incapable of creating, such as greater individual creativity, dignity of work, and attention to issues of social equity.”
The above statements can give us very important guidelines to set the goal of our agricultural development. If we really want our agriculture to be beneficial for majority small, marginal and landless farmers for their sustainable development as well as if we want to ensure our food security then we have to realize that only technical solution is not enough for that. We must recognize that food security and sustainable development of farmer are social, cultural, economic and political issues. On the other hand, climate change is an environmental & ecological issue. So, we have to think for an agricultural production system which is economically viable, socially just, environmentally & ecologically sound and culturally appropriate that is we need to adapt sustainable agriculture.
It is a matter of hope that the government policies also addressing the issues of sustainable agriculture at least in black and white. The last objective of the draft national agricultural policy is “establishing a self-reliant and sustainable agriculture adaptive to climate change and responsive to farmers’ needs” (draft NAP 2011). On the other hand, A report entitled ‘Transformation of Agriculture for Sustainable Development and Poverty Alleviation in Bangladesh’ published by MOA (2006) says “Conservation agriculture is a vital option to face a double challenge of increasing productivity and preserving the natural resource base, simultaneously”. But unfortunately, we see the reverse actions in practice whatever may be written in the policy documents. Therefore, concrete political decisions and subsequent actions are essential to address the issues successfully.
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- Ministry Of Agriculture (2006): Main Report, Transformation Of Agriculture For Sustainable Development And Poverty Alleviation In Bangladesh, Ministry Of Agriculture, Government Of Bangladesh Dhaka, July 2006.
- Mishra, S N (1997):”Agricultural Liberalisation and Development Strategy in Ninth Plan”, Economic and Political Weekly, 32 (13), March 29, A19-A25.
- Mousseau F. (2005): Food Aid or Food Sovereignty? Ending World Hunger in Our Time. Oakland Institute, 2005. http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/pdfs/fasr.pdf. International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development. Global Summary for Decision Makers.
- Rangswamy, G (1993):”Corporate Agriculture: The key to poverty eradication”, Guide on Food Products (GFP) Year Book, 114-116.
- Rao, C.H.H (1995):”Liberalisation of Agriculture in India – Some Major Issues” Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, 50 (3), 468-472.
- Sarwar, M.G (2008): Apprehending Agriculture: Cease the implementation of WDR 2008 in Bangladesh, The Innovators, Dhaka.
- Singh, S. (1994): “Corporate farming: Risky step?” Financial Express, February 16, Mumbai.
- Singh, S. (2006): Corporate Farming in India: Is it Must for Agricultural Development? INDIAN INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT AHMEDABAD-380 015 INDIA, W.P. No.2006-11-06.
- Strohl, R. J (1985):”Farming failures: the fate of large-scale agribusiness in Iran”, in J Freivalds (ed.): Successful Agribusiness Management, Gower, Vermont, 133-146.
- Toulmin, C. and B. Gueye (2003): Transformations in West African agriculture and the role of family farms, IIED Issue paper No. 123, IIED, London, December.
- Vyas, V. S (2001):”Agriculture: Second Round of Economic Reforms”, Economic and Political Weekly, 36 (10), 829-836.
- World Bank (2008): President Calls for Plan to Fight Hunger in Pre-Spring Meetings Address.” News Release, April 2, 2008.
List of Acronyms |
ADB |
: |
Asian Development Bank |
AoA |
: |
Agreement on Agriculture |
AGRA |
|
Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa |
BARC |
: |
Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council |
BARI |
: |
Bangladesh Agricultural Research Institute |
BAU |
: |
Bangladesh Agricultural University |
BER |
: |
Bangladesh Economic Review |
BINA |
: |
Bangladesh Institute of Nuclear Agriculture |
BRRI |
: |
Bangladesh Rich Research Institute |
DAE |
: |
Department of Agricultural Extension |
FAO |
: |
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations |
GDP |
: |
Gross Domestic Products |
GM |
: |
Genetically Modified |
HYV |
: |
High Yielding Variety |
IMF |
: |
International Monetary Fund |
IPM |
: |
Integrated Pest Management |
MOA |
: |
Ministry of Agriculture |
BSMAU |
: |
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mojib Agricultural University |
NAP |
: |
National Agriculture Policy |
NGO |
: |
Non Governmental Organisation |
PRSP |
: |
Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper |
TRIPS |
: |
Trade Relates Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights |
WB |
: |
World Bank |
WTO |
: |
World Trade Organization |
pdf version: Corporate Agr in BD & Alternative_compressed
by শহীদুল ইসলাম | Feb 11, 2025 | প্রকৃতি কথা
ভূমিকা:
বাংলাদেশের জাতীয় উৎপাদন, কর্মসংস্থান, দারিদ্র বিমোচন, খাদ্য নিরাপত্তা, জনমানুষের জীবন-জীবিকা এবং আর্থ-সামাজিক উন্নয়ন ইত্যাদি সকল প্রেক্ষিতেই কৃষির অবদান এখনও ব্যাপক। জিডিপিতে কৃষির অবদান শতকরা ১১.০২ ভাগে নেমে এলেও প্রত্যক্ষ বা পরোক্ষভাবে দেশের প্রায় দুই-তৃতীয়াংশ মানুষ কৃষির উপর নির্ভরশীল এবং মোট শ্রমশক্তির শতকরা ৪৪.৪২ ভাগ[1] কৃষিতে নিয়োজিত। জিডিপির এত ক্ষুদ্র অংশের উপর নির্ভরশীল বিপুল জনগোষ্ঠীর এই পরিসংখ্যাণ থেকে তাদের অথনৈতিক অবস্থার একটি চিত্র অনুমান করা যায়।
সর্বশেষ কৃষি শুমারি ২০১৯-এর তথ্যমতে দেশের প্রায় ৩ কোটি ৫৬ লাখ খানার মধ্যে কৃষিজীবী খানার সংখ্যা প্রায় ১ কোটি ৬৯ লাখ (মোট খানার ৪৭.৪৮%) যাদের মধ্যে ১ কোটি ৫৫ লাখ খানাই ক্ষুদ্র কৃষক যাদের জমির পরিমান ২.৫ একরের কম। অর্থাৎ খানাপ্রতি ৪.৫ জন সদস্য ধরে প্রায় ৭ কোটি মানুষ ক্ষুদ্র কৃষি খামারনির্ভর জীবিকা নির্বাহ করে। এর বিপরীতে মাঝারি কৃষক-খানা (জমির পরিমান ২.৫-৭.৪৯ একর) মাত্র প্রায় ১৩ লাখ এবং বড় কৃষক-খানা (জমির পরিমাণ ৭.৫ একরের বেশি) মাত্র ১ লাখের মত। ক্ষুদ্র কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীই মোট কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীর শতকরা ৯১.৭ শতাংশ। সুতরাং একথা বলার অপেক্ষা রাখেনা যে, এই বিপুল সংখ্যক ক্ষুদ্র কৃষকেরাই দেশের অর্থনীতির প্রাণভোমরা কৃষিখাতকে টিকিয়ে রেখেছে এবং দেশের মানুষের খাদ্য নিরাপত্তা নিশ্চিতকরণে সবচেয়ে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ অবদান রেখে চলেছে। অথচ নির্মম বাস্তবতা এই যে, এই ক্ষুদ্র কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীই খাদ্য নিরাপত্তা এবং অর্থনৈতিক উন্নয়নের দৌড়ে সবচেয়ে পিছিয়েপড়া জনগোষ্ঠী।
ক্ষুদ্র কৃষকের সমস্যা:
একসময় এদশেরে কৃষি ছিল দেশের গ্রামীণ জনগোষ্ঠীর জীবন ব্যবস্থা যা আজ আর সেরকম নেই। কৃষি আজ বাণিজ্যই শুধু নয় তা বিশ্ব বাণিজ্যের অবিচ্ছেদ্য অংশ। আজ কৃষক আর নিজেদের খাদ্য এবং অন্যান্য প্রয়োজনের কথা চিন্তা করে নয় বরং উৎপাদন করেন বাজারের জন্য, বিক্রী করে লাভ করার জন্য। কিন্তু পরিতাপের বিষয় এই যে, বাজার ব্যবস্থার উপর কৃষকের কোন নিয়ন্ত্রণ না থাকার ফলে উৎপাদন থেকে তেমন কোন লাভ কৃষকের ঘরে উঠছেনা। যারা বাজার নিয়ন্ত্রণ করছে তারা একদিকে যেমন বীজ, সার, কীটনাশকসহ অন্যান্য কৃষি উৎপাদন উপকরণ বিক্রী করে ইচ্ছেমত মুনাফা হাতিয়ে নিচ্ছে অন্যদিকে, সকল ব্যয়ভার ও ঝুঁকি কাঁধে নিয়ে মাথার ঘাম পায়ে ফেলে কৃষক যা উৎপাদন করছে তার লভ্যাংশটাও তারা হাতিয়ে নিচ্ছে। কৃষক যে পণ্য লোকসানে বিক্রী করছে সে পণ্য থেকেই কয়েকগুণ লাভ তুলে নিচ্ছে মধ্যস্বত্বভোগীরা। এরূপ বাজার ব্যবস্থার কারণে কৃষক দিন দিন দরিদ্র থেকে দবিদ্রতর হচ্ছে। কার্যত কৃষক আজ বাজরের দাসে পরিণত হয়েছে।
অথচ দৃঃখজনক ব্যাপার হল, এই বাজার ব্যবস্থার ফাঁকিটাও কৃষক বুঝে উঠতে পাচ্ছেনা। কারণ, কৃষি যে একটা ব্যবসা বা বিশ্ব বাণিজ্যের অবিচ্ছেদ্য অংশ – এই সত্যটা স্বাভাবিক কারণেই কৃষকের মাথায় ঢুকেনা। ফসল ফলাতে গিয়ে কৃষক নিজে এবং তার পরিবারের সদস্যরা যে শ্রম দেন এবং তাঁর জমি ও অন্যান্য স্থায়ী বিনিয়োগের মূল্য কৃষক কখনও হিসেবের মধ্যে ধরেনা। এসব ব্যয় ধরা হলে বাস্তবে ফসল চাষ অনেকক্ষেত্রেই লাভজনক নয়। প্রকৃত প্রস্তাবে, কৃষক ভর্তুকী দিয়ে আমাদের আহার জোগাচ্ছে।
সরকার ও কোম্পানির পৃষ্ঠপোষকতায় কৃষক আজ পুজিঘন বাণিজ্যিক কৃষি গ্রহণ করলেও পুজির অভাব তার সবচেয়ে বড় সমস্যার একটি। এরূপ অর্থ সংকটের কারণে প্রায় সব কৃষকই ফসল সংগ্রহের সাথে সাথেই তাদের উৎপাদিত ফসল বিক্রী করে দিতে বাধ্য হয়। এমনকি নিজেদের খাদ্য হিসেবে যেটুকু প্রয়োজন সেটুকুও তাঁরা ধরে রাখতে পারেনা। কারণ, অধিকাংশ কৃষকই তাঁদের চাষের খরচ যোগাতে উচ্চ সুদে ধার-দেনা বা বাকী-বর্গা করে থাকেন। কাজেই, ফসল ঘরে উঠামাত্রই মাথার উপর নেমে আসে পাওনাদারের খরগ। আর সব কৃষক যখন একসাথে তাদের ফসল বাজারে নিয়ে আসে তখন বাজারে সরবরাহ অত্যাধিক বেড়ে যাওয়ার কারণে বাজার অর্থনীতির স্বাভাবিক নিয়মেই দাম কমে যায়। তাছাড়াও রয়েছে বাজার সিন্ডিকেট যারা কৃষকের এরূপ অসহায়ত্বের পুরো সদ্ব্যবহার করে নিজেরা ইচ্ছেমত ফসলের মূল্য নির্ধারণ করে এবং তাদের নির্ধারিত দামেই কৃষক তার ফসল বিক্রী করতে বাধ্য হয়।
আবার অনেক সময় দেখা যায়, যখন কৃষকের পণ্য বাজারে আসে মুক্ত বাজার অর্থনীতির দোহাই দিয়ে তখনও অনেক ক্ষেত্রেই অজ্ঞাত তবে অনুধাবনযোগ্য কারণে আমদানি নিয়ন্ত্রণ করা হয়না। আর এ সুযোগে ব্যবসায়িরা পরিকল্পিতভাবে উৎপাদন মৌসুমে অধিক আমদানি করে এবং পূর্বেই আমদানি ও মজুদকৃত শস্য কৃষকের ফসল উঠার প্রাক্কালে বাজারে ছেড়ে দেয়। ফলে, বাজারে সরবরাহ অত্যাধিক বেড়ে যায় এবং কৃষকের পণ্যের দাম কমে যায়।
অন্যদিকে দুঃখজনক ব্যাপার হচ্ছে, উৎপাদক কৃষক ও ভোক্তা উভয়েই বাজারের খেলোয়াড়দের খেলার পুতুলের মত ব্যবহৃত হচ্ছে; উভয় পক্ষই ঠকছে। কারণ, ফসল উঠার পরপরই কৃষকের সব পণ্য মধ্যস্বত্বভোগী ফরিয়াদের গুদামে চলে যায়। আর তারা সারা বছরজুড়ে নিয়ন্ত্রিত সরবরাহের মাধ্যমে এবং অধিকাংশ ক্ষেত্রে কৃত্রিম সংকট সৃষ্টি করে অতি উচ্চমূল্যে সেসব বিক্রী করে থাকে। এর ফলে, একদিকে যেমন কৃষক ন্যায্য মূল্য থেকে বঞ্চিত হচ্ছে অন্যদিকে ভোক্তাসাধারণকেও অধিক মূল্যে এসব পণ্য কিনতে হচ্ছে।
অথচ আশ্চর্যের ব্যাপার হল এই যে, কৃষক যেসব পণ্য উৎপাদন করে সেসব মানুষের বেচে থাকার জন্য অপরিহার্য পণ্য যার চাহিদা সাধারণতঃ দামের সাথে সম্পর্কিত হবার কথা নয়। অর্থাৎ দাম বাড়লেও চাহিদার খুব বেশি হেরফের হবেনা।
কাজেই এসব পণ্য উৎপাদন করে লোকসান গুনার কোন কারণ নেই। বাস্তবে লোকসান হয়ওনা। বাজারে চাল, ডাল, তেল, মসলা, তরিতরকারীর দাম দেখলেই এর সত্যতা মেলে। অথচ, অত্যন্ত দুঃখজনক হলেও সত্য যে, কৃষককে প্রতিনিয়ত লোকসান গুনে যেতে হচ্ছে। বর্তমান বাজার ব্যবস্থাই এ অবস্থার জন্য দায়ী। আর এই বাজার ব্যবস্থাকেই পৃষ্ঠপোষকতা দিয়ে যাচ্ছে আমাদের রাস্ট্র ব্যবস্থা। এর কারণ খুবই সুস্পষ্ট যা পাশের চিত্রে তুলে ধরার চেষ্টা করা হয়েছে।
অর্থাৎ এটাই কাম্য যে, রাষ্ট্র-ব্যবস্থা জনগণের সার্থে বাজারকে নিয়ন্ত্রণ করবে। কিন্তু বর্তমান ব্যবস্থায় বাস্তবে তা ঘটেনা। কারণ, দেশের সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠ কৃষক জনগণ রাষ্ট্রীয় পর্যায়ে নীতি-নির্ধারণের জন্য তাদের যেসব প্রতিনিধি নির্বাচন করেন তারা প্রকৃতপক্ষে ব্যবসায়িদের প্রতিনিধি বা অধিকাংশক্ষেত্রে নিজেরাই ব্যবসায়ি। কাজেই এসব নীতি-নির্ধারকগণ যেসব নীতিমালা তৈরি ও বাস্তবায়ন করেন তা স্বাভাবিকভাবেই ব্যবসায়িদের অনুকূলে যায়।
সমস্যার সমাধান সন্ধান:
এসব সমস্যার স্থায়ী সমাধান করতে হলে বর্তমান বাজার ব্যবস্থায় পরিবর্তন আনতেই হবে। এক্ষেত্রে মুক্ত বাজারের কথা বলে হাত গুটিয়ে বসে থাকার কোন সুযোগ নেই। বিগত দিনে আমরা দেখেছি, দেশের রাজনীতবিদি ও নীতিনির্ধারক মহলের যারা মুক্তবাজারের কথা বলে বাজারের উপর হস্তক্ষেপ থেকে বিরত থাকতে চেয়েছেনে তারা প্রকৃতপক্ষে আমজনতাকে বোকা বানিয়ে ব্যবসায়িদের তথা প্রকান্তরে নিজেদের স্বার্থ হাসিল করতে চেয়েছেনে। কারণ, তারা কোন না কোনভাবে মুক্ত বাজারের সুবিধাভোগী। অন্যদিকে, বিদেশি শক্তি যারা মুক্ত বাজারের আফিম গিলিয়ে আমাদেরকে নির্বোধের মত ব্যবহার করে আমাদের বাজার দখল করে নিচ্ছে তাদের নিজেদের বাজার মুটেও মুক্ত নয়। প্রকৃত প্রস্তাবে তারা মুক্তবাজারের নামে আমাদের বাজার দখলের পথ সুগম করতে চায়। আমাদের কৃষকদেরকে ভর্তুকী দিতে গেলেই বিশ্ব ব্যাংক, আইএমএফ বাধার সৃষ্টি করে অথচ এসব প্রতিষ্ঠানের প্রভুরা কোটি কোটি ডলার ভর্তুকী দিয়ে সেসব পণ্য আমাদের মত গরীব দেশে ডাম্পিং করে আমাদের বাজার দখল করে নিচ্ছে যা নিয়ে টু শব্দটি বিশ্বব্যাংক-আইএমএফ করেনা।
এই কাজটি সফলতার সাথে সম্পাদন করতে হলে সবার আগে আমাদেরকে স্বীকার করতে হবে যে, রোগের সঠিক কারণ বর্তমান উৎপাদন ও বাজার ব্যবস্থার মধ্যে নিহিত। সুতরাং রোগ সারাতে হলে গোটা ব্যবস্থারই চিকিৎসা প্রয়োজন; অর্থাৎ বর্তমান উৎপাদন ও বাজার ব্যবস্থার একটি সমগ্রিক সংস্কার ছাড়া আমাদের সামনে দ্বিতীয় আর কোন পথ খোলা নেই। বিগত ৫ই আগস্টের অভাবনীয় রক্তক্ষয়ী গণ-অভ্যুত্থানের মধ্য দিয়ে আমাদের সামনে সুযোগ এসেছে মাথা তুলে দাড়াবার, এই কাঠামোগত দাসত্ব থেকে কৃষককে মুক্ত করার। এখনই সময় এদেশের কৃষি ও কৃষককে বাচিয়ে দেবার। কৃষক বাচলে এদেশের কৃষি বাঁচবে। আর কেবলমাত্র কৃষি বাঁচলেই আমরা একটি সমৃদ্ধ দেশের স্বপ্ন দেখতে পারি, অন্যথায় নয়।
এজন্য প্রয়োজন কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীকে সমবায়ে সংগঠিত করে সেই সমবায়ের নেতৃত্বে ক্ষুদ্র ও মাঝারী উদ্যোগ গড়ে তোলার মাধ্যমে কৃষক ও ভোক্তার মধ্যে সরাসরি সংযোগ স্থাপনরে মাধ্যমে একটি খাদ্য-ভ্যাল্যুচেইন গড়ে তোলা সম্ভব হলেই এই অত্যন্ত জটিল ও কাঠামোগত সমস্যার সমাধান সম্ভব বলে আমারা বিশ্বাস করি। সে লক্ষ্য নিয়েই মাটি একটি ছোট আকারের মডেল গড়ে তুলতে কাজ করছে। একাজে সংশ্লিষ্ট সরকারি বেসরকারি প্রতিষ্ঠানসহ সংশ্লিষ্ট সকল মহলের সার্বিক সহযোগিতা একান্ত কাম্য।
[1] জনশক্তি জরীপ ২০২৩
by শহীদুল ইসলাম | Oct 29, 2024 | প্রকৃতি কথা
ভূমিকা:
সবুজ বিপ্লবের হাত ধরে যে বাণিজ্যিক কৃষি এদেশে প্রবর্তিত হয়েছে তা দানাদার খাদ্যশস্যের উৎপাদন বাড়ালেও দেশের সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠ ক্ষুদ্র, প্রন্তিক ও ভূমিহীন কৃষকদের খাদ্য নিরাপত্তাসহ জীবিকার নিরাপত্তা ও স্থায়িত্বশীল উন্নয়নের পথে বড় অন্তরায় হিসেবে প্রতিভাত হয়েছে। কিন্তু বাণিজ্যিক বিশ্বায়নের বর্তমান বাস্তবতায় বাণিজ্যকে অস্বীকার করার উপায় নেই। কিন্তু বাংলাদেশের প্রেক্ষাপটে কৃষির বর্তমান ধারার বাণিজ্যিকীকরণ দেশের সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠ ক্ষুদ্র, প্রন্তিক ও ভূমিহীন কৃষকদের জন্য মারাত্মক বিপর্যয় ডেকে আনবে যা সম্পর্কে ইতোপূর্বে বিস্তারিতভাবে আলোচিত হয়েছে। কারণ বাস্তব সত্য এই যে, বর্তমান ধারার বাণিজ্যিক কৃষিতে ক্ষুদ্র উৎপাদকদের কোন স্থান হবেনা, ক্রমেই তাঁরা কৃষি থেকে বিতারিত হচ্ছে এবং হবে। কারণ, এই বাণিজ্যিক কৃষির মূলমন্ত্র হল খামারের আয়তন যত বড় হবে, যান্ত্রিকীকরণ যত বেশি হবে এবং যত বেশি পুঁজিঘন প্রযুক্তি ব্যবহার করা যাবে উৎপাদনশীলতা তত বেশি হবে। কাজেই, বাণিজ্যিক কৃষিতে ক্ষুদ্র ও প্রান্তিক কৃষকদেরকে গতিশীল উৎপাদক হিসেবে বিবেচনা করা হয়না। কারণ তাঁদের পুঁজি নেই, আধুনিক প্রযুক্তিগত জ্ঞান ও দক্ষতা নেই, সর্বোপরি নিজেদের চাষযোগ্য পর্যাপ্ত জমিই নেই। এসব কৃষক নিজের একখন্ড জমি বা অন্যের কাছ থেকে একখন্ড জমি বর্গা, লিজ বা বন্ধক নিয়ে তাতে নিজের ও পরিবারের সদস্যদের শ্রম ও সর্বস্ব মূলধন বিনিয়োগ করে যা কিছু উৎপাদন করে তা দিয়ে কোনরকমে নিজেদের জীবিকা নির্বাহ করতে পারে মাত্র। কিংবা কোন কোন ক্ষেত্রে তাও পারে না। কারণ, এদেশে খাদ্য উৎপাদক কৃষকই সবচেয়ে বেশি খাদ্য ও পুষ্টিহীনতায় ভোগে। এই ধরণের কৃষকের কাছে বিনিয়োগের জন্য পর্যাপ্ত অর্থ থাকেনা। ফলে, বাণিজ্যিক কৃষির জন্য অত্যাবশ্যক খামারের আধুনিকায়ন করা উনাদের পক্ষে সম্ভব হয়না। তাই এটা সত্য যে, কোনরকম বেঁচে থাকা এই ব্যাপক সংখ্যক কৃষককে দিয়ে কৃষিতে গতিশীলতা আসতে পারে না। তাই হয়ত ‘বাণিজ্যিক কৃষির প্রচলন করা’ খসড়া কৃষিনীতি (২০১০)-এর অন্যতম উদ্দেশ্য ঠিক করা হয়েছে। যদিও সবুজ বিপ্লবের হাত ধরে বাণিজ্যিক কৃষি এদেশে অনেক আগেই প্রবর্তিত হয়েছে।
এটা ভুলে গেলে চলবে না যে, সবুজ বিপ্লবের হাত ধরে যে বাণিজ্যিক কৃষি এদেশে প্রবর্তিত হয়েছে তা বৈষম্য সৃষ্টিতে সহায়ক। কারণ, পুঁজিঘন বর্তমান কৃষি ব্যবস্থায় পুঁজিরই সঞ্চয়ন হচ্ছে এবং হবে। কাজেই এ কৃষি ব্যবস্থা পুঁজিপতি অকৃষক এবং পুঁজিহীন কৃষকের মধ্যে বৈষম্য উত্তরোত্তর বাড়িয়ে দিবে তাতে সন্দেহের অবকাশ নেই। যে বৈষম্য থেকে মুক্তির স্বপ্ন নিয়ে দেশের কৃষক-শ্রমিকসহ আপামর জনতা এক রক্তক্ষয়ী মুক্তিযুদ্ধে ঝাপিয়ে পড়েছিল সে স্বপ্ন আজও সুদুর পরাহত। এর প্রধান কারণ, স্বাধীনতা লাভের পর গত চার দশক ধরে দাতাদের পরামর্শে ও মদদে আমরা এক ভ্রান্ত পথে হেটেছি যার ফলশ্রুতিতে কর্পোরেট পুঁজি আজ এদেশের কৃষিকে গ্রাস করতে যাচ্ছে যার সাথে এ দেশের শতকরা প্রায় ৮০ ভাগ কৃষিনির্ভর গ্রামীণ জনগোষ্ঠীর ভাগ্য জড়িত। কাজেই স্বাধীনতার চেতনা শুধু কথামালায় নয়, যদি বাস্তবে থেকে থাকে তবে এখনও সময় আছে সঠিক সিদ্ধান্ত নেবার; এখনও সময় আছে ঘুরে দাড়াবার। তবে তার জন্য প্রয়োজন বর্তমান কৃষি ব্যবস্থার আমূল সংস্কারের সুদৃঢ়প্রসারি রাজনৈতিক সিদ্ধান্ত।
কিন্তু কৃষি একটি ব্যাপক বিষয়। কৃষি শুধু ফসল উৎপাদন নয় বরং মৎস্য, বনজ ও প্রণিসম্পদসহ সকল প্রাকৃতিক উৎপাদন ব্যবস্থাই এর অন্তর্ভূক্ত। পাশাপাশি জমি, জলা, জঙ্গলসহ প্রাকৃতিক সম্পদের বন্টন ও ব্যবস্থাপনাও এর সাথে অঙ্গাঙ্গিভাবে জড়িত। সর্বোপরি এটি একটি দেশের আর্থসামাজিক ব্যবস্থা ও সংস্কৃতিরও প্রধান নিয়ামক। সম্প্রতি এসবের সাথে যুক্ত হয়েছে খাদ্য নিরাপত্তা ও জলবায়ু পরিবর্তনজণিত দুর্যোগ মোকাবিলার চ্যালেঞ্জ। কাজেই কৃষিসংস্কারও একটি ব্যাপক ও সামগ্রিক বিষয়। উপরোক্ত সকল বিষয়কে সমন্বিতভাবে বিবেচনায় না নিলে সঠিকভাবে একটি কার্যকর কৃষি সংস্কার কর্মসূচি প্রণয়ন ও বাস্তবায়ন করা সম্ভব নয়। এজন্য প্রযোজন ব্যাপক নীতিনির্ধারণী গবেষণা, সংশ্লিষ্ট সকল মহলের মতামত গ্রহণ এবং সর্বোপরি কৃষিনির্ভর গ্রামীণ জনগোষ্ঠীর কার্যকর অংশগ্রহণ। কাজেই এই স্বল্প পরিসরের আলোচনায় কৃষি সংস্কারের কোন পূর্ণাঙ্গ রূপরেখো তুলে ধরা সম্ভব নয়। শুধু এটুকু বলা যায়, বাংলাদেশের কৃষির বর্তমান প্রেক্ষাপটে কৃষিসংস্কারের সবচেয়ে বড় দুটি ক্ষেত্র হবে দেশের ভূমি ব্যবস্থা ও বাজার ব্যবস্থার সংস্কার। নিম্নে এ দুটি ক্ষেত্রে সংস্কার সম্পর্কে সংক্ষেপে আলোকপাত করা হল। পাশাপাশি কৃষির সমাগ্রিক সংস্কারের সম্ভাব্য একটি দিকনির্দেশনামূলক রূপরেখাও তুলে ধরার চেষ্টা করা হল।
ভূমিসংস্কার
কৃষির সূচনালগ্ন থেকে কৃষকরাই প্রকৃতিপ্রদত্ত জমিকে চাষাবাদের উপযোগি করেছে, সন্তানসম লালন-পালন করেছে। কিন্তু অত্যন্ত দুর্ভাগ্য ও পরিতাপের বিষয় এই যে, এই সন্তানের মালিকানা কৃষক স্মরণকালে কখনও পায়নি। কাল থেকে কালান্তরে কার্যত একটি দস্যু শ্রেণী শাসকরূপে কৃষকের মাথার উপর চেপে বসে দেশ শাসনের নামে নিতান্তই গায়ের জোরে জমির মালিকানা কুক্ষিগত করে রেখেছে। সামন্তযুগ থেকে শুরু করে আজকের তথাকথিত গণতান্ত্রিক যুগেও এর ব্যত্যয় চোখে পড়ে না। এই উপমহাদেশে রাজা, বাদশা, নবাব এবং সর্বশেষ ইংরেজ লর্ড এবং তাদের পদলেহী জমিদার শ্রেণীর হাত থেকে ১৮৮৫ সালের ‘বঙ্গীয় প্রজাস্বত্ব আইন’ এবং পরবর্তীতে ১৯৫০ সালের ‘রাষ্ট্রীয় অধিগ্রহণ ও প্রজাস্বত্ব আইন’ অনুসারে কৃষকরা জমির কিছুটা স্থায়ী ভোগদখলের সুযোগ পেলেও অধিকাংশ জমি রাষ্ট্রীয় সুবিধাভোগী, ভূমিগ্রাসী অকৃষকদের হাতেই কুক্ষিগত থেকে গেছে। এই অবস্থার পরিবর্তনের জন্য যে ধরণের ভূমি সংস্কার অপরিহার্য ছিল তেমনটি করার সৎসাহস বা সদিচ্ছা কোন কালেই শাসক শ্রেণী দেখায় নি।
রাষ্ট্রীয় অধিগ্রহণ ও প্রজাস্বত্ব আইন অনুসারে এখনও দেশের সমস্ত জমির মালিক রাষ্ট্র হলেও কোন শাসনামলেই রাষ্ট্র তার কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীর মাঝে কৃষিজমির ন্যায্য বন্টনের কোন উদ্যোগ কার্যত গ্রহণ করে নি। উপরন্তু মালিকানার ক্ষেত্রে চরম বৈষম্য সৃষ্টিকারী একটি ব্যবস্থাকে সবসময় পৃষ্ঠপোষকতা দিয়ে গেছে যে ব্যবস্থায় বৈধ বা অবৈধভাবে একটি ভূমিগ্রাসী শ্রেণী কৃষিজমিকে নির্বিচারে কুক্ষিগত করে চলেছে। অত্যন্ত পরিতাপের বিষয় এই যে, রাষ্ট্র নিজেও আজ একই ধরণের ভূমিকায় অবতীর্ণ রয়েছে। অথচ যে মুক্তির স্বপ্ন নিয়ে বাংলাদেশ নামক একটি স্বাধীন রাষ্ট্র প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়েছিল সে স্বপ্ন পূরণের পথে প্রথম সোপান হওয়ার কথা ছিল ভূমি সংস্কার। কিন্তু অত্যন্ত দুঃখজনক হলেও সত্য যে, স্বাধীনতা লাভের অব্যবহিত পরে বাংলাদেশের প্রথম পরিকল্পনা কমিশন ভুমি সংস্কারের কিছু খসড়া সুপারিশমালা প্রণয়ন করে এবং তা বিবেচনার জন্য তৎকালীন মন্ত্রী পরিষদে পেশ করে যা বাস্তবায়নের কোন উদ্যোগ গ্রহণ করা হয় নি। এগুলো নিম্নে তুলে ধরা হলো।
১. জমির উৎপাদনক্ষমতার অঞ্চলভিত্তিক পার্থক্য বিবেচনা করে জমির সর্বোচ্চ সিলিং পরিবারপ্রতি ১০ একরে নামিয়ে আনা (এই সিলিং খামারের আয়তন নয় বরং জমির মালিকানার ভিত্তিতে নির্ধারিত হবে)।
২. সিলিংউদ্বৃত্ব জমি, যেখানে সম্ভব কৃষক সমবায়ের মধ্যে বন্টন করা।
৩. সিলিংউদ্বৃত্ব জমি অগ্রাধিকার ভিত্তিতে সেই জমির বর্গাদার, ভূমিহীন শ্রমিক এবং কর্মহীনদের মধ্যে বন্টন করা।
৪. ক্ষুদ্র ও মাঝারি শ্রেণীর কৃষকদের সমবায়ে যুক্ত হওয়ার সুযোগ দেওয়া।
৫. প্রস্তাবিত সিলিং-এ প্রভাবিত হয়নি এমন মালিকের জমি যেসব বর্গাদার চাষ করত তার চাষাবাদ চালিয়ে যাওয়ার জন্য উক্ত বর্গাদারদের আইনগত ও অর্থনৈতিক ভিত্তি সুসংহত করা।
৬. সমাজতান্ত্রিক নীতিমালা অনুসারে যৌথ খামারের মডেল প্রদর্শণী করা।
৭. একটি বিশেষজ্ঞ কমিটি সিলিং নির্ধারণ এবং বাস্তবায়নের বিস্তারিত কর্মপন্থা ঠিক করার জন্য “পরিবার”-এর সুনির্দিষ্ট সংজ্ঞা নির্ধারণ করবে।
৮. একটি সমবায় খামারে প্রত্যেক সদস্যের এক একরের বেশি জমি থাকতে পারবে না। যদি সম্ভাব্য অংশগ্রহণকারীর সংখ্যা চাহিদার তুলনায় বেশি হয় (জনপ্রতি জমির অনুপাত ০.৫ একর ভিত্তিতে) তবে লটারির মাধ্যমে সমবায়ের সদস্য নির্বাচন করা হবে।
৯. সুবিধাজনক ব্লকে উদ্বৃত্ব জমি সহজলভ্য হলে অথবা যৌথ খামার গড়ে তোলার সুযোগ আছে একে অপরের এমন কাছাকাছি হলে সমবায়ভিত্তিক যৌথ খামার গড়ে তুলতে হবে।
১০. একজন মালিক-কৃষক যদি সমবায়ে অংশগ্রহণ করতে চায় তবে তার জন্য দুইটি সুযোগ থাকবে যথাঃ ১) সম্পূর্ণভাবে তার জমি সমবায়কে সমর্পন করে পূর্ণ সদস্যপদ লাভ অথবা ২) সমবায়ের স্বত্বাধিকারে জমি সমর্পন করা। দ্বিতীয় ক্ষেত্রে সমবায়, উক্ত জমির ঐতিহাসিক ফলনের একতৃতীয়াংশের সমান নির্দিষ্ট ভাড়া প্রদান করবে।
১১. সমবায় খামারের উৎপাদন ব্যবস্থাপনা এবং বন্টনভার সংশ্লিষ্ট সমবায়ের সদস্যদের দ্বারা নির্বাচিত ব্যবস্থাপনা কমিটির উপর ন্যাস্ত থাকবে। এক্ষেত্রে দিকনির্দেশনামূলক নীতিমালা হবে নিম্নরূপঃ
ক. সদস্যদের দ্বারা গণতান্ত্রিকভাবে অনুমোদিত একটি পরিকল্পনার ভিত্তিতে প্রত্যেক সমবায়ের উৎপাদন কার্যক্রম পরিচালিত হবে;
খ. উৎপাদিত ফসলের অংশভাগ শ্রম-দিবসে তার অবদানের ভিত্তিতে নির্ধারিত হবে। উৎপাদিত দ্রব্যের প্রায় ২০-২৫% সঞ্চয় তহবিলে জমা করা হবে যা জমির উন্নয়ন, যন্ত্রপাতি ক্রয় এবং কমিউনিটি উন্নয়ন ও আয় স্থিতিশীলতার জন্য ব্যয় করা হবে।
১২. সরকার ব্যাংকিং ও স্থানীয় প্রশাসনের মাধ্যমে সমবায়গুলোকে শক্তিশালী প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক, আর্থিক ও উপকরণগত সহায়তা প্রদান করবে।
১৩. সমবায় পরিচালনার জন্য কাঠামোগঠন কর্মসূচি হাতে নেওয়া হবে।
১৪. সিলিং অন্তর্ভূক্ত বর্গাচাষীদের জন্য বর্গাকৃত জমি অব্যাহতভাবে চাষ করা এবং সে জমি কখনও বিক্রী হলে তা কিনে নেওয়ার অধিকার থাকবে। বর্গাচাষকৃত জমির ভাড়া হবে জমির ঐতিহাসিক উৎপাদনশীলতার এক-তৃতীয়াংশের সমমূল্যের সাধারণ ভাড়া।
উক্ত সুপারিশমালা বাস্তবায়িত হলে ক্ষুদ্র, প্রান্তিক ও ভূমিহীন কৃষকদের ভাগ্যের কিছুটা হলেও গুণগত পরিবর্তন আসতে পারত। কিন্তু দুর্ভাগ্যজনক হলেও সত্য যে, রাষ্ট্রীয় সুবিধাভোগী শ্রেণী কর্তৃক নিয়ন্ত্রিত রাজনৈতিক ব্যবস্থায় উপরোক্ত উদ্যোগগুলো গ্রহণ করার মত সৎসাহস বা সদিচ্ছা কোনটাই আমাদের রাজনৈতিক নেতৃত্বের মাঝে লক্ষ করা যায় নি। উপরন্তু স্বাধীনতা পরবর্তী সরকারগুলো উল্টোপথেই হেটেছে। ভূমি সংস্কারের ইস্যুটি আজ একটি অশ্রাব্য ও মৃত ইস্যুতে পরিণত হয়েছে যাকে আবার জীবিত করা এখন সময়ের দাবী।
বাংলাদেশে জমির মালিকানার ভিত্তিতে কৃষককে পাঁচটি শ্রেণীতে ভাগ করা হয়। যেমনঃ বড়, মাঝারি, ক্ষুদ্র, প্রান্তিক ও ভূমিহীন কৃষক (সারণি-১)। সারণিতে দেখা যাচ্ছে যে, বাংলাদেশে খামারের আয়তন খুবই ছোট। এখানে মাত্র ৩ হেক্টরের বেশি জমি থাকলেই সে বড় কৃষক। বাংলাদেশের কৃষকদের মাথাপিছু জমির পরিমান মাত্র ০.১২ হেক্টর যেখানে খামারের গড় আয়তন ডেনমার্কে ১৫ হেক্টর, যুক্তরাজ্যে ৪৫ হেক্টর এবং মার্কিন যুক্তরাষ্ট্রে ১০০ হেক্টর। অথচ বর্তমান মুক্ত বাজার ব্যবস্থায় আমাদের এই ক্ষুদ্রাতিক্ষুদ্র দরিদ্র কৃষকদেরকেই ধনী বিশ্বের বৃহৎ খামার মালিকদের সাথে প্রতিযোগিতায় নামতে হবে।
সারণি-১: কৃষকের শ্রেণী, জমির পরিমান ও শতকরা হার
কৃষকের শ্রেণী জমির পরিমান কৃষক পরিবার (%) জমির মালিকানা
হেক্টর একর
ভূমিহীন ০.০-০.১৯ ০.০-০.৪৯ ৫২.৬৫ ৪.৫
প্রান্তিক ০.২-০.৫৯ ০.৫০-১.৪৯ ২৩.৫৩ ১৮.৫
ক্ষুদ্র ০.৬-১.০ ১.৫-২.৪৯ ১০.৫ ১৮.২
মাঝারি ১.০-৩.০ ২.৫-৭.৫ ১১.৬৫ ৪২.৪
বড় >৩.০ >৭.৫ ১.৬৭ ১৬.৪
উৎস: বাংলাদেশ কৃষি সম্প্রপ্রসারণ অধিদপ্তর, স্ট্র্যাটেজিক প্ল্যান ২০০২-২০০৬
উপরের সারণি থেকে আরও দেখা যাচ্ছে যে, এ দেশের কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীর মধ্যে ভূমিহীন কৃষক প্রায় শতকরা প্রায় ৫৩ ভাগ (যারা মূলত কৃষি শ্রমিক ও বর্গা কৃষক), প্রান্তিক কৃষক শতকরা প্রায় ২৪ ভাগ এবং ক্ষুদ্র কৃষক শতকরা প্রায় ১১ ভাগ। এই তিন শ্রেণীর কৃষকই মোট কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীর শতকরা প্রায় ৮৮ ভাগ। বর্তমান ব্যয়বহুল চাষাবাদের কারণে এরা কৃষিতে টিকে থাকতেই হিমসিম খাচ্ছে। অনেকে ইতোমধ্যেই কৃষি থেকে ছিটকে পড়েছে। প্রধানত ব্যয়বহুল চাষাবাদ এবং উত্তরাধিকার প্রথায় জমির খন্ডায়নের কারণে প্রচুরসংখ্যক কৃষক প্রতিনিয়ত ভূমিহীনে পরিণত হচ্ছে। ফলে, ভূমিহীনের সংখ্যা দিন দিন বেড়ে চলেছে। একথা সত্য যে, বাংলাদেশে যে পরিমাণ চাষযোগ্য জমি রয়েছে তাতে বর্তমান এবং ক্রমবর্ধমান কৃষক জনগোষ্ঠীর সবাই কৃষিনির্ভর জীবিকা নির্বাহ করতে পারবে না। তাই বিকল্প কর্মসংস্থানের সুযোগ সৃষ্টি করাও অপরিহার্য।
জমির মালিকার বিষয়টি বিবেচনায় নিলে সারণী-১ থেকে আরও দেখা যায় যে, এ দেশের অর্ধেকেরও বেশি (৫২.৬৫%) কৃষক ভূমিহীন যাদের মালিকানায় দেশের মোট আবাদি জমির মাত্র ৪.৫%। অন্যদিকে, মাঝারি ও বড় কৃষক সংখ্যায় মাত্র শতকরা ১২ ভাগ হলেও মোট জমির শতকরা প্রায় ৫৯ ভাগই তাদের দখলে। অথচ ৮৮ ভাগ ক্ষুদ্র, প্রান্তিক ও ভূমিহীন কৃষকদের দখলে আছে মোট জমির মাত্র শতকরা ৪১ ভাগ। দেশের সোয়া কোটি গ্রামবাসীর এক ইঞ্চিও জমি নেই এবং বর্গাচাষীর সংখ্যা প্রায় সাড়ে তিন কোটি। একটি তথ্যে দেখা যায় যে, অকৃষকদের হাতে মোট চাষের জমির অর্ধেকেরও বেশি কুক্ষিগত আছে। এই অকৃষকদের জীবিকার প্রধান উৎস ভূমি নয়। কৃষি উৎপাদনে তারা তাদের মেধা বা পুঁজি বিনিয়োগ করে না। এর ফলে একদিকে যেমন জমি ক্ষতিগ্রস্থ হয় তেমনি জাতীয় ঊৎপাদনেরও ক্ষতি হয়। কাজেই ভূমি সংস্কারের ক্ষেত্রে এ বিষয়গুলোকে বিশেষ গুরুত্ব দিয়ে বিবেচনায় নিতে হবে।
কার্যকর ভূমি সংস্কার করতে হলে অকৃষকদের হাত থেকে কৃষি জমি উদ্ধারের কোন বিকল্প নেই। এজন্য জমির সর্বোচ্চ সিলিং নির্ধারণ করে সিলিং-উদ্বৃত্ত জমি উদ্ধার করতে হবে এবং উদ্ধারকৃত জমিসহ সরকারি খাস জমি ভূমিহীন, প্রান্তিক ও ক্ষুদ্র কৃষকদের মাঝে আনুপাতিক হারে বন্টন করে জমির মালিকানায় যথাসম্ভব সমতা বিধান করতে হবে। কৃষিজমি ও অকৃষিজমি সুনির্দিষ্টভাবে চিহ্নিত করতে হবে এবং অকৃষিকাজে কৃষিজমির ব্যবহার রোধকল্পে কঠোর আইন প্রণয়ন ও তার বাস্তবায়ন করতে হবে। অতঃপর জমির মালিকানা অক্ষুন্ন রেখে মাঠভিত্তিক বা পাড়াভিত্তিক বা গ্রামভিত্তিক সকল কৃষকের জমিকে একত্রিত করে সমবায়ভিত্তিক যৌথ খামার ব্যবস্থা গড়ে তুলতে হবে। এই প্রস্তাবনাটা আমাদের সমাজ বাস্তবতায় অসম্ভব মনে হলেও ক্ষুদ্র কৃষকদের কাঠামোগত এবং বাচা-মরার সমস্যার স্থায়ি সমাধান করতে হলে এরকম বৈপ্লবিক সংস্কারের পথেই হাটতে হবে।
কৃষি-বাজার-ব্যবস্থার সংস্কার
বাণিজ্যিক বিশ্বায়নের এ যুগে একটি দেশের অর্থনৈতিক উন্নয়নে বাজারের প্রয়োজনীয়তা অপরিহার্য। কিন্তু বাজারের উপর নজরদারি না করলে, প্রয়োজনমতো নিয়ন্ত্রণ না করলে এবং যাদের আত্মনির্ভর উন্নয়নে রাষ্ট্রের অগ্রণী ভূমিকা থাকবে বাজারের খেলায় তাদেরকে শক্তিশালী করতে না পারলে, বাজার জাতির উন্নয়ন স্বপ্ন বানচাল করে দিতে বাধ্য। কৃষিপ্রধান এ দেশের উৎপাদন প্রক্রিয়ায় দরিদ্র কৃষক শ্রেণীর টিকে থাকার ক্ষমতা না থাকায় তারা যা উদ্বৃত্ত উৎপাদন করে বাজার তা অন্যের হাতে (মধ্যস্বত্বভোগী ও লুটেরা বণিক শ্রেণী) তুলে দেয়। কৃষক এক্ষেত্রে তার উদ্বৃত্ত উৎপাদনের ন্যায্য মূল্য থেকেও বঞ্চিত হয়। উদাহরণস্বরূপ, গ্রামাঞ্চলে কৃষক যখন এক টাকা কেজি দরে টমেটো বিক্রী করে সেই টমেটোই শহরে এসে দাম হয় আট টাকা কেজি। এভাবেই তার উদ্বৃত্ব মূল্যটা বেহাত হয়ে যায়। কিন্তু সে যখন ক্রেতা হিসেবে বাজারে অন্য দ্রব্য কিনতে যায় তখন তাকে অত্যন্ত চড়া দামেই তা কিনতে হয়। এরূপ বাজার ব্যবস্থার কারণে কৃষক দিন দিন দরিদ্র থেকে দবিদ্রতর হচ্ছে।
আমাদের কৃষির অন্যতম প্রধান বৈশিষ্ট্য হল বাৎসরিক ও মৌসুম ভিত্তিতে কৃষিপণ্যের মূল্যের অত্যধিক উঠা-নামা। এক বছর কোন ফসলের দাম ভাল পেলে কৃষক সে ফসল উৎপাদনে বেশি উৎসাহিত হয়। ফলে, পরের বছর চাহিদার তুলনায় উৎপাদন অনেক বেশি হয় এবং মূল্যের ধস নামে। আবার দাম না পেয়ে পরের বছর কৃষক উৎপাদনে নিরুৎসাহিত হয়, ফলে উৎপাদন হয় চাহিদার তুলনায় কম এবং দাম উর্ধ্বমুখী হয়। অন্যদিকে, উৎপাদিত ফসলের প্রক্রিয়াকরণ ও সংরক্ষণের সুবিধার অভাব এবং ঋণ পরিশোধ ও পরিবারের মৌলিক প্রয়োজন মেটানোর তাগিদ ইত্যাদি কারণে কৃষক ফসল উঠার অল্প দিনের মধ্যেই উদ্বৃত্ত পণ্যের অধিকাংশই বিক্রী করে দিতে বাধ্য হন। অথচ পণ্যের চাহিদা সারা বছরব্যাপী। ফলে, ফসল উঠার সময় যোগান বেশি হওয়ায় কৃষি পণ্যের দাম কমে, আবার কয়েক মাস পরেই যোগানের স্বল্পতার জন্য মূল্যেরে উর্ধ্বগতি ঘটে। ধরা যাক, এ বছর দেশে এক লক্ষ টন আলু উৎপাদিত হলো যা জানুয়ারি ও ফেব্রুয়ারি বা বড়জোর মার্চ মাসের মধ্যেই কৃষক মাড়াই করবে এবং বাজারে তুলতে বাধ্য হবে। কিন্তু জানুয়ারি থেকে মার্চ এই মাসে বাজারে আলুর চাহিদা হয়ত মাত্র ত্রিশ হাজার টন অথচ বাজারে সরবরাহ এক লক্ষ টন। কাজেই বাজারের স্বাভাবিক নিয়মেই তখন দাম কম হবে। কিন্তু কম দামে এই আলু কিনে মধ্যস্বত্বভোগীরা মজুদ করবে এবং বছরের বাকী সময় ধরে নিয়ন্ত্রিত যোগানের মাধ্যমে ইচ্ছেমত মুনাফা হাতিয়ে নিবে। নিত্যপ্রয়োজনীয় দ্রব্যের অত্যধিক উঠানামা স্বল্প আয়ের উৎপাদক ও ভোক্তা উভয়ের জন্যই কাম্য নয়। এর থেকে লাভবান হয় মূলত ব্যবসায়ী শ্রেণী। তাছাড়া, খামারের ছোট আয়তন এবং উৎপাদিত পণ্যের বেশিরভাগ পরিবারের প্রয়োজন মেটাতে ব্যবহৃত হওয়ার কারণে বাজারজাতকৃত পণ্যের পরিমাণের হ্রাস-বৃদ্ধি হয় অনেক বেশি (পরিবারের প্রয়োজন যেহেতু স্থিতিশীল)। কাজেই, বাজারের অস্থিতিশীলতার প্রবণতা বাংলাদেশের মতো সাবসিস্ট্যান্স কৃষি অর্থনীতিতে অনেক বেশি। ধান ও পাটের মতো স্পর্শকাতর (মূল খাদ্য ও অর্থকরী ফসল বিধায়) পণ্যের বাজারের অস্থিতিশীলতার প্রভাব রাজনীতির উপরও পড়ে। সেজন্য কৃষকদের আয় ও খাদ্য নিরাপত্তা বজায় রাখার ক্ষেত্রে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ কৃষি পণ্যের দামের স্থিতিশীলতা অর্জন পৃথিবীর অনেক দেশেই অনুসৃত কৃষি নীতির অন্যতম লক্ষ্য। অথচ দুর্ভাগ্যজনক হলেও সত্য যে, বাংলাদেশের কৃষি নীতির স্বল্প, মধ্য বা দীর্ঘ মেয়াদি লক্ষ্যসমূহের কোনটিতেই বাজার নিয়ন্ত্রণ ও গুরুত্বপূর্ণ কৃষিপণ্যের দামের স্থিতিশীলতা অর্জনের কথা বিবেচিত হয় নি।
পক্ষান্তরে, খাদ্যশস্যের বাজারে সরকারি হস্তক্ষেপ সংকুচিত করার জন্য দাতা সংস্থাগুলো অনেকদিন থেকেই সরকারের উপর চাপ দিয়ে আসছে। নব্বই দশকের প্রথমার্ধে এই চাপ অত্যন্ত বৃদ্ধি পায়। এরূপ চাপের ফলে সরকার বাজার নিয়ন্ত্রণের জন্য মূলত বাণিজ্যিক ভিত্তিতে খাদ্য আমদানি এবং খাদ্যখাতে বিদেশী সাহয্যের উপর বেশি নির্ভরশীল হয়ে পড়ে যা প্রকারান্তরে কৃষকের উৎপাদিত ফসলের ন্যায্য মূল্য প্রাপ্তিতে অন্তরায় সৃষ্টি করে এবং লাভবান হয় কেবল আমদানিকারক ব্যবসায়ি গোষ্ঠী।
অন্যদিকে, সরকারের অত্যন্ত সীমিত আকারের অভ্যন্তরীণ খাদ্য সংগ্রহ ও বিতরণ ব্যবস্থা থেকেও লাভবান হয় মূলত শহুরে ভোক্তা ও অবস্থাপন্ন শ্রেণী, খাদ্য ব্যবসায়ী, মিল মালিক এবং কার্যক্রম পরিচালনায় নিয়োজিত সরকারি কর্মচারীরা। আর ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হয় কৃষক। সরকারের অভ্যন্তরীণ খাদ্য সংগ্রহ নীতি উদ্বৃত্তের বছরে মূল্যের নিম্নগতি রোধে ব্যর্থ। ক্ষুদ্র ও মাঝারি কৃষক সরকারি ক্রয় কেন্দ্রে খাদ্য বিক্রয়ে উৎসাহী নন। কারণ নানা অজুহাতে তাদের কাছ থেকে অনেক সময় পণ্য ক্রয় করা হয় না এবং পণ্যের বিনিময়ে নগদ টাকা বুঝে পেতে অনেক হয়রানিরও শিকার হতে হয়।
বন্যা ও খরার বছরগুলোতে সরকারের খাদ্য আমদানি কার্যক্রম বাজারকে স্থিতিশীল করার পরিবর্তে আরো অস্থিতিশীল করে তোলে। প্রাকৃতিক দুর্যোগজনিত ঘাটতির পরিমাণ প্রকৃত ঘাটতির তুলনায় বেশি করে দেখিয়ে প্রয়োজনের তুলনায় অতিরিক্ত খাদ্য আমদানি করা হয়। কৃষকগণও বন্যাজনিত ক্ষয়ক্ষতি পোষানো এবং পণ্যের বেশি মূল্য পাওয়ার আশায় প্রাকৃতিক দুর্যোগের পরের মৌসুমে অতিরিক্ত খাদ্য উৎপাদন করে। এই বাড়তি উৎপাদন ও আমদানিকৃত খাদ্য একই সময়ে বাজারে আসে। ফলে মূল্যের ধস নামে। অন্যদিকে, আন্তর্জাতিক বাজারে মূল্যের ধস বা রপ্তানিকারক দেশের ডাম্পিং নীতি আমাদের কৃষকদের আয়ের উপর মারাত্মকভাবে নেতিবাচক প্রভাব ফেলে।
একসময় এদেশের কৃষি ছিল দেশের গ্রামীণ জনগোষ্ঠীর জীবন ব্যবস্থা যা আজ আর নেই। কৃষি আজ বাণিজ্যই শুধু নয় তা বিশ্ব বাণিজ্যের অবিচ্ছেদ্য অংশ। আজ কৃষক তার খাদ্য বা নিজস্ব প্রয়োজনের কথা চিন্তা করে নয়, উৎপাদন করে বাজারের জন্য। কিন্তু পরিতাপের বিষয় এই যে, বাজার ব্যবস্থার উপর কৃষকের কোন নিয়ন্ত্রণ না থাকার কারণে উৎপাদন থেকে তেমন কোন লাভ কৃষকের ঘরে উঠছে না। যারা বাজার নিয়ন্ত্রণ করছে তারা একদিকে যেমন বীজ, সার, কীটনাশকসহ অন্যান্য কৃষি উৎপাদন উপকরণ বিক্রী করে ইচ্ছেমত মুনাফা হাতিয়ে নিচ্ছে অন্যদিকে, সকল ব্যয়ভার ও ঝুঁকি কাঁধে নিয়ে মাথার ঘাম পায়ে ফেলে কৃষক যা উৎপাদন করছে তার লভ্যাংশটাও তারা হাতিয়ে নিচ্ছে। কৃষক যে পণ্য লোকসানে বিক্রী করে সে পণ্য থেকেই কয়েকগুণ লাভ তুলে নেয় মধ্যস্বত্বভোগীরা। এরূপ বাজার ব্যবস্থার কারণে কৃষক দিন দিন দরিদ্র থেকে দবিদ্রতর হচ্ছে। কার্যত কৃষক আজ মুক্ত বাজার ব্যবস্থার দাসে পরিণত হয়েছে।
অথচ দুঃখজনক ব্যাপার হল, এই বাজার ব্যবস্থার ফাঁকিটাও কৃষক বুঝে উঠতে পাচ্ছে না। কারণ, কৃষি যে একটা ব্যবসা বা বাণিজ্য এই সত্যটাই স্বাভাবিক কারণেই কৃষকের মাথায় ঢুকেনা। ফসল ফলাতে গিয়ে কৃষক নিজে এবং তার পরিবারের সদস্যরা যে শ্রম দেন এবং তাঁর জমি ও অন্যান্য স্থায়ী বিনিয়োগের মূল্য ইত্যাদি কৃষক কখনও হিসেবের মধ্যে ধরে না। এসব ব্যয় ধরা হলে বাস্তবে ফসলের চাষ বিশেষ করে ধানের চাষ মোটেও লাভজনক নয়। প্রকৃত প্রস্তাবে, কৃষক নিজে ভর্তুকি দিয়েই এ জাতির আহার জোগাচ্ছে।
কৃষকের উৎপাদিত পণ্যের ন্যায্য মূল্য প্রাপ্তির ক্ষেত্রে যেসব সমস্যা চিহ্নিত করা যায় তার মধ্যে প্রধান হল অর্থ সংকট। অর্থাৎ অর্থ সংকটের কারণে প্রায় সব কৃষকই ফসল সংগ্রহের সাথে সাথেই তাদের উৎপাদিত ফসল বিক্রী করে দিতে বাধ্য হয়। এমনকি নিজেদের খাদ্য হিসেবে যেটুকু প্রয়োজন সেটুকুও তাঁরা ধরে রাখতে পারেনা। কারণ, অধিকাংশ কৃষকই তাঁদের চাষের খরচ যোগাতে উচ্চ সুদে ধার-দেনা বা বাকী-বর্গা করে থাকেন। কাজেই, ফসল ঘরে উঠামাত্রই মাথার উপর নেমে আসে পাওনাদারের খরগ। আর সব কৃষক যখন একসাথে তাদের ফসল বাজারে নিয়ে আসে তখন বাজারে সরবরাহ অত্যধিক বেড়ে যাওয়ার কারণে বাজার অর্থনীতির স্বাভাবিক নিয়মেই দাম কমে যায়। তা ছাড়াও রয়েছে বাজার সিন্ডিকেট যারা কৃষকের এরূপ অসহায়ত্বের পুরো সদ্ব্যবহার করে নিজেরা ইচ্ছেমত ফসলের মূল্য নির্ধারণ করে যে দামে কৃষক তার পণ্য বিক্রী করতে বাধ্য হয়।
তা ছাড়াও, অনেক সময় দেখা যায় যখন কৃষকের পণ্য বাজারে আসছে মুক্ত বাজার অর্থনীতির দোহাই দিয়ে তখনও আমদানি নিয়ন্ত্রণ করা হয় না। আর এ সুযোগে ব্যবসায়িরা পরিকল্পিতভাবে উৎপাদন মৌসুমে অধিক আমদানি করে এবং পূর্বেই আমদানি ও মজুদকৃত শস্য কৃষকের ফসল উঠার প্রাক্কালে বাজারে ছেড়ে দেয়। ফলে, বাজারে সরবরাহ অত্যধিক বেড়ে যায় এবং কৃষকের পণ্যের দাম কমে যায়।
অন্যদিকে, মজার ব্যাপার হচ্ছে, উৎপাদক কৃষক ও ভোক্তা উভয়েই বাজারের খেলোয়াড়দের খেলার পুতুলের মত ব্যবহৃত হচ্ছে; উভয় পক্ষই ঠকছে। কারণ, ফসল উঠার পরপরই কৃষকের সব পণ্য মধ্যস্বত্বভোগী মহাজনদের গুদামে চলে যায়। আর তারা সারা বছরজুড়ে নিয়ন্ত্রিত সরবরাহের মাধ্যমে এবং অধিকাংশ ক্ষেত্রে কৃত্রিম সংকট সৃষ্টি করে অতি উচ্চমূল্যে সেসব বিক্রী করে থাকে। এর ফলে, একদিকে যেমন কৃষক ন্যায্য মূল্য থেকে বঞ্চিত হচ্ছে অন্যদিকে ভোক্তাসাধারণকেও অধিক মূল্যে এসব পণ্য কিনতে হচ্ছে। এমনকি খোদ কৃষকও যখন বাজার থেকে এসব পণ্য কিনতে যায় তাকেও উচ্চ মূল্যে তা কিনতে হয়।
অথচ আশ্চর্যের ব্যাপার হল এই যে, কৃষক যেসব পণ্য উৎপাদন করে সেসব মানুষের বেঁচে থাকার জন্য অপরিহার্য পণ্য যার চাহিদা সাধারণত দামের সাথে সম্পর্কিত নয়। অর্থাৎ দাম বাড়লেও এসব পণ্যের চাহিদার খুব বেশি হেরফের হবে না। কাজেই এসব পণ্য উৎপাদন করে লোকসান গুনার সঙ্গত কোন কারণ নেই। বাস্তবে লোকসান হয়ওনা। বাজারে চাল, ডাল, তেল, মসলা, তরিতরকারীর দাম দেখলেই এর সত্যতা মেলে। অথচ, অত্যন্ত দুঃখজনক হলেও সত্য যে, কৃষককে প্রতিনিয়ত লোকসান গুনে যেতে হচ্ছে। বর্তমান বাজার ব্যবস্থাই এ অবস্থার জন্য দায়ী। আর আমাদের রাষ্ট্র ব্যবস্থা এই বাজার ব্যবস্থাকেই পৃষ্ঠপোষকতা দিয়ে যাচ্ছে। এর কারণ খুবই সুস্পষ্ট যা পাশের চিত্রে তুলে ধরার চেষ্টা করা হয়েছে। অর্থাৎ এটাই কাম্য যে, রাষ্ট্র ব্যবস্থা জনগণের স্বার্থে বাজারকে নিয়ন্ত্রণ করবে। কিন্তু বর্তমান রাষ্ট্র ব্যবস্থায় বাস্তবে তা ঘটে না। কারণ, দেশের সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠ কৃষক জনগণ রাষ্ট্রীয় পর্যায়ে নীতিনির্ধারণের জন্য তাদের যেসব প্রতিনিধি নির্বাচন করেন তারা প্রকৃতপক্ষে ব্যবসায়িদের প্রতিনিধি বা অধিকাংশক্ষেত্রে নিজেরাই ব্যবসায়ি। কাজেই, এসব নীতিনির্ধারকগণ যেসব নীতিমালা তৈরি ও বাস্তবায়ন করেন তা স্বাভাবিকভাবেই ব্যবসায়িদের অনুকূলে যায়।
সুতরাং এসব সমস্যার স্থায়ী সমাধান করতে হলে বর্তমান বাজার ব্যবস্থায় পরিবর্তন আনতেই হবে। এক্ষেত্রে মুক্ত বাজারের ধোয়া তুলে হাত গুটিয়ে বসে থাকার কোন সুযোগ নেই। আমাদের দেশের নীতিনির্ধারক মহল যারা মুক্ত বাজারের কথা বলে বাজারের উপর হস্তক্ষেপ থেকে বিরত থাকতে চান তারা প্রকৃতপক্ষে আমজনতাকে বোকা বানিয়ে নিজেদের স্বার্থ হাসিল করতে চান। এরা কোন না কোনভাবে মুক্ত বাজারের সুবিধাভোগী। অন্যদিকে, বিদেশি শক্তি যারা মুক্ত বাজারের আফিম গিলিয়ে আমাদেরকে নির্বোধের মত ব্যবহার করছে তাদের নিজেদের বাজার মোটেও মুক্ত নয়। প্রকৃত প্রস্তাবে, তারা মুক্ত বাজারের নামে আমাদের বাজার দখলের পথকে সুগম করতে চায়। আমাদের কৃষকদেরকে ভর্তুকি দিতে গেলেই বিশ্ব ব্যাংক, আইএমএফ হুমকি-ধামকি শুরু করে অথচ এসব প্রতিষ্ঠানের প্রভুরা কোটি কোটি ডলার ভর্তুকি দিয়ে উৎপাদিত পণ্য আমাদের মত গরীব দেশে ডাম্পিং করে আমাদের বাজার দখল করে নিচ্ছে তা নিয়ে টু শব্দটি তারা করে না। কাজেই নামেমাত্র স্বাধীন দেশে ঠুটো জগন্নাথ হয়ে থাকার মধ্যে কোন বাহাদুরী নেই। আজ সময় এসেছে মাথা তুলে দাড়াবার।
আশার কথা হচ্ছে এই যে, বর্তমান অর্থমন্ত্রী বলছেন, ‘প্রয়োজনে বাজারে হস্তক্ষেপ করতে হবে’। বর্তমান কৃষিমন্ত্রী প্রতিনিয়ত কৃষকের স্বার্থ রক্ষার কথা বলছেন। মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীও সমাজ থেকে বৈষম্য কমিয়ে সুষম উন্নয়নের জন্য কৃষি ও গ্রামীণ উন্নয়নের দিকে গুরুত্বারোপ করছেন, বর্তমান সরকার কর্তৃক গৃহীত অর্থনৈতিক কর্মকান্ডে যার কিছু প্রতিফলনও দেখা যাচ্ছে। তবে, ক্যান্সারের ঘায়ে মলম লাগানোর মত করে কিছু কথাবার্তা বা ব্যবস্থা নিলেই এই সমস্যার সমাধান সম্ভব নয়। রোগের সঠিক কারণ বর্তমান উৎপাদন ও বাজার ব্যবস্থার মধ্যে নিহিত। সুতরাং রোগ সারাতে হলে গোটা ব্যবস্থারই চিকিৎসা প্রয়োজন। অর্থাৎ বর্তমান উৎপাদন ও বাজার ব্যবস্থার একটি সামগ্রিক সংস্কার ছাড়া আমাদের সামনে দ্বিতীয় আর কোন পথ খোলা নেই।

বি.দ্র. পুরো লেখাটা ২০১০ সালের আগে। লেখচিত্রটা বর্তমান প্রেক্ষাপটে সামান্য পরিবর্তিত।